struggle to the top, no matter whom they trample under feet, but of men who cannot struggle to the top and who must, therefore, be looked to by the forces of society, for they have no single force by which they can serve themselves.

"There must be heart in a government and in the policies of the government. And men must look to it, that they do unto others as they would have others do unto them. This has long been the theme of the discourses of Christian ministers, but it has not come to be part of the bounden duties of Ministers of State.

"This is the solemnity that comes upon a man when he knows that he is about to be clothed with the responsibilities of a great office, in which will center part of the example which America shall set to the world itself. Do you suppose that that gives a man a very light hearted Christmas? I could pick out some gentlemen, not confined to one state-gentlemen likely to be associated with the government of the United States-who have not yet had it dawned upon their intelligence what it is that Government is set up to do. There are men who will have to be mastered in order that they shall be made the instruments of justice and mercy."

He declared that the task ahead was not a "rosewater affair," that there must be some good hard fighting in order that we may achieve the things that we have set out to achieve. He then hurled a challenge to Big Business that sent a thrill throughout the business world.

"The word that stands at the center of what has to be done is a very interesting word indeed. It has hitherto been supposed to be a word of charity, a word of philanthropy, a word which has to do with the operations of the human heart, rather than with the operations of the human mind. I mean the word 'service.' The one thing that the business men of the United States are now discovering, some of them for themselves, and some of them by suggestion, is that they are not going to be allowed to make any money except for a quid pro quo, that they must render a service or get nothing, and that in the regulation of business the government, that is to say, the moral judgment of the majority must determine whether what they are doing is a service or not a service, and that everything in business and politics is going to be reduced to the standard. 'Are you giving anything to society when you want to take

anything out of society?' is the question to put to them."

The nation read with eagerness that address the next morning. The Pujo Committee was still at work, and there was a panicky feeling along the arteries of business. Editorials larger, yes much larger, than the address appeared. They referred to his "service of humanity" as being somewhat platitudinous. But his reference to Big Business and the necessity for a quid pro quo made this paternalistic government shiver, and Jefferson was quoted to prove that democracy and government had had nothing to do with this quid pro quo. It was said that Mr. Wilson would have so many duties to perform-"the plain, old-fashioned, needful things he will be called upon to do, we are inclined to think, that the realization of the 'vision splendid' by which he at present 'moves attended' may easily be and probably will have to be-for a considerable time postponed." But one thing was admitted, Mr. Wilson spoke very clearly and distinctly, and when he reduced his thoughts to writing, he did use very good English. It was so simple that the plain man could understand it, and the nation would soon learn his theories if he wrote and spoke enough. It did not have to wait long for another word from him. In January, 1913, the President-elect entered the very heart of the Big Business district and spoke

to the Commercial Club of Chicago. "I came," he said, "to ask your counsel and assistance." It was very clear, therefore, that Big Business must really reckon with this educationist who believed in "right and justice," and the Golden Rule. He called their attention to an "inner circle," and to a banking system "that had already been convicted." They were already acquainted with the Pujo committee. He reminded the Club that the business future of this country does not depend on the Government of the United States. "The Government," he said, "cannot build a temper, it cannot generate thought and purpose. Things done under the whip of the law are done sullenly, somewhat reluctantly, and never successfully. I want to take sternness out of the country. I want to see suspicion dissipated."

This Commercial Club, however, seemed to be unable to follow him. But he was determined to be understood, and he continued:

"I want to see the time brought about when the rank and file of the citizens of the United States who have a stern attitude toward the business men of the country shall be absolutely done away with and forgotten. Perfectly honest men are now at a disadvantage in America because business methods in general are not trusted by the people,

taken as a whole. That is unjust to you, it is unjust to everybody with whom business deals and everybody whom business touches.

"In the United States they do not believe I mean the rank and file of our people do not believe that men of every kind are upon an equality in their access to the resources of the country, any more than they believe that everybody is upon equal terms in his access to the justice of the country. It is believed in this country that a poor man has less chance to get justice administered to him than a rich man. God forbid that that should be generally true."

These remarks were appreciated and applauded. But, when the President-elect suggested his remedy, that "we must see to it that the business of the United States is set absolutely free of every feature of monopoly," the business men gave him a stare and did not respond.

Here Governor Wilson paused, looked around the banquet room, and then added:

"I notice you do not applaud that. I am somewhat disappointed because unless you feel that way the thing is not going to happen except by