and apprise, and Congress to debate and enact. His preparation for such a responsible position was rather uncertain; and it was this uncertainty that was troubling many people, and many of them belonged to the legislative body of the nation.

The country had grown accustomed to think of the Senate as an assemblage of "Conscript Fathers" possessing great dignity. "Senatorial courtesy" is a distinct reminder even today of the traditional sacredness of the rights of Senators to unlimited speech. Moreover, it was then an historic evidence, entertained not only by the country at large but by the Senators themselves, that the Senate was "the greatest deliberative body in the world." However, that body was undergoing a great change. The upheaval that finally brought the Democratic party into power brought a change in the manner of electing United States Senators. The Senate of the Sixty-third Congress was the last to be elected by the State Legislatures.

On the last of May, 1913, the Secretary of State signed the formal announcement of the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution providing for the direct election of Senators. It was the last of the old regimé, therefore, that Mr. Wilson found on the morning after his inauguration, but it was an honored and honorable body. There were Senators of such large and successful experience that Woodrow Wilson was still a boy when they began to render such distinguished

service to the country. Fifteen had been in the Senate for more than twelve years, and twenty-six had completed more than six years. However, the new President had never been a legislator. His mature life, save two years as Governor, had been spent in the schoolroom. Therefore, it was not a secret that the Senate and even the country at large had misgivings as to his power to guide such an honored and experienced body of statesmen.

Moreover, the House of Representatives, a large and somewhat unwieldy body, composed of 440 members, represented all phases of our amalgamated life and interests. It, too, had among its leaders a group of men who had been in training almost a generation. Some had achieved national distinction when Woodrow Wilson was just beginning to attract attention as a teacher and interpreter of political economy. Two members of the House of Representatives, because of their distinguished service, were popular candidates for the Presidency when Mr. Wilson was nominated. Master tacticians, skillful strategists, and political "war horses" were in charge of the House of Representatives on the 4th of March, 1913. Would the new President be able to organize them and direct them in this new course that was promised in the campaign and proposed on the day of his inauguration? Many people doubted it. Even the House of Representatives itself had some misgivings,

Monopoly must be destroyed! This was the slogan during the campaign; it was the subject of Mr. Wilson's utterances between his election and his inauguration; and it was the heart of his inaugural address. But this dangerous dragon was too powerful and too deadly to be slain by the arm of a single knight, even though he were clothed with the strength of Sir Galahad. Mr. Wilson had intimated that he would assemble Congress for the purpose of beginning his reforms. And men wondered.

The Democratic party had apparently lost the habit of cooperating as a unit. Moreover, it was argued that the Democratic party, although it had been protesting for a generation against abuses in the government, was, like the Republican party, so boss-ridden that no man could lead it as a unit against the wrongs that cried aloud for redress. Furthermore, it was believed that when a party long out of power comes into control of the government, it is possessed of an enthusiasm and a loyalty that gives it a certain degree of unity, and makes it for the moment amenable to wise leadership. But with continued power, more and more factionalism would appear and refractory spirits would obstruct the administration's policies. Then the old-time machine politicians would step into the breach and governmental processes would continue very much as in the past. And a degree of pessimism appeared in the hearts of honest men who were hopeful the day after the elec

tion that the new administration would "effect a great readjustment and get the forces of the whole people once more into play."

The destiny of this nation was completely in the hands of the Democratic party. This new guardian, having been out of power for so many years, and now being flushed with victory, was eager to take charge and begin the journey. On this point the Executive and the Legislative departments were in complete harmony. The President's vision for "new freedom" for all Americans was clearly the vision of the party in control of Congress. Therefore, their purposes were identical. Such were the prospects on April 8, when the New Congress, in response to the President's call, met in special session.

1

CHAPTER IV

A NEW TARIFF: THE FIRST STAGE IN THE JOURNEY TO NEW FREEDOM

President Wilson had been a close student of politics and of history in-the-making, for more than a quarter of a century. He was plainly aware of the fact that his greatest influence would, in all probability, be in the beginning of his administration. Therefore, it was no surprise to the nation when he called Congress to meet in special session so soon after his inauguration. Simultaneously, he announced that he would not be pestered with office seekers; that no office seeker need call on him except upon invitation, because he would devote his best thought and energies to the larger questions and those most vital to the country; and the nation applauded this act as a promise of greater efficiency.

The new life in the government was so vigorous that the thoughtful men of the country began to advise Big Business to adjust itself as soon as possible to a new tariff law, since it was evident that the Administration meant to act promptly, and it seemed to be morally certain that a new tariff law would be enacted.