of the Federal party have obliged me to throw my. self on the verdict of my country for trial, my great desire having been to retire at the end of the present term, to a life of tranquillity; and it was my decided purpose when I entered into office. They force my continuance. If we can keep the vessel of state as steadily in her course for another four years, my earthly purposes will be accomplished, and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, my farm, and my books." When it is considered that Mr. Jefferson was a zealous and primitive dissenter from the unlimited re-eligibility of the executive; and that he espoused with ardor short terms of office, and had originally intended to hold the office but four years, it must be deeply lamented that he suffered the clamor of enemies to divert him from establishing a precedent of so much vital consequence to the purity and duration of our free institutions. The reasons he adduces for this dereliction are such as might with equal force be alleged for a continuance in the office for life. How much of real glory he lost by missing this opportunity of putting the seal of sincerity and the test of consistency on his original professions, can only be estimated by a full and just consideration of the difficulty attending the sacrifice of ambition to principle; of resisting the temptation of personal vanity for the enduring future applause of mankind. Devoted to science, and at all times intent on improvements in literature and knowledge, as well as politics and government, Mr. Jefferson now projected the expedition of Lewis and Clarke to the Columbia River, for the purpose of exploring and ascertaining the geography, natural history, climate, riches, resources, and peculiarities of the new purchase of the Territory of Louisiana. It was at this period that Mr. Jefferson addressed a letter to the Emperor Alexander I. of Russia, in behalf of the principle of neutral rights, which he earnestly desired might be duly secured by the treaties which were about to be formed by Napoleon with the powers of Europe, at the general pacification which was then anticipated. In this remarkable letter, after speaking of his gratification at seeing advanced to the government of so extensive a portion of the earth, and at so early a period of his life, a sovereign whose ruling desire was the happiness of his people, and whose philanthropy was extended to "a distant and infant nation, unoffending in its course and unambitious in its views," he further compliments the emperor on his efforts toward the pacification of Europe, and reminds him of the common interest which the United States and the northern nations of Europe have in preserving neutral rights. He suggests that the emperor and Napoleon have it in their power, at the approaching pacification, to render eminent services. to nations in general, by incorporating into the act of pacification a correct definition of the rights of neutrals on the high seas, and "that these rights thus defined could be enforced, if further sanction were necessary, by an exclusion of the nation violating them from all commerce with the rest." Having taken," he says, "no part in the past or existing troubles of Europe, we have no part to act on its pacification. But as principles may then be settled in which we have a deep interest, it is a great happiness for us that they are placed under the protection of an umpire, who, looking beyond the narrow bounds of an individual nation, will take under the cover of his equity the rights of the absent and unrepresented. It is only by a happy concurrence of good characters and good occasions, that a step can now and then be taken to advance the wellbeing of nations. If the present occasion be good, I am sure your majesty's character will not be wanting to avail the world of it. By monuments of such good offices may your life become an epoch in the history of the condition of men, and may He who called it into being, for the good of the human family, give it length of days and success, and have it always in his holy keeping." This communication was addressed by Mr. Jefferson directly to the Autocrat, and not to his Minister of Foreign Affairs, through the American Secretary of State, as diplomatic usage would have required. In pursuing this course, the President designed to carry out and illustrate the supposed simplicity of republican forms, in every department of his administration, from the most dignified to the most minute. 24 CHAPTER XV. THE CONSPIRACY of aaron bURR—THE NATURE OF HIS ENTERPRISE MR. THE most important event connected with the second administration of Mr. Jefferson was the conspiracy and trial of Aaron Burr. This celebrated man had lost the confidence of the Democratic party which had previously placed him in the office of Vice-President, in consequence of his supposed intrigues with the Federalists. He endeavored to regain official rank and influence by obtaining the post of Governor of New York. In that State many of his former opponents among the Federalists, influenced by hatred to the administration of Jefferson, were disposed to give Burr their assistance. The latter would have been elected had it not been for the determined opposition of Alexander Hamilton, who regarded Burr as a dangerous and unscrupulous adventurer, and exerted himself to defeat |