And

tion, to recover the high ground on which the State of Virginia planted herself, at once, with the whole American empire in her train, by the mere force of reason, without a solitary throe. the whole of this magnificent undertaking, was executed during the short interval of three years, chiefly by a single individual, agreeably to a long premeditated plan, and carried into action, in great part, by his efforts; supported, indeed, by able and faithfu! coadjutors from the ranks of the House, very effective as seconds. but who would not have taken the field as leaders. The whole catalogue of monarchical degeneracies and corruptions under which the transatlantic man has groaned, immemorially, and which were attempted to be entailed on this new hemisphere, were extirpated in a mass; and an entire foundation laid for the bold and doubtful experiment of self-government. Freedom and elasticity were restored to the mind; and the natural equality of the human race, the first maxim of the Author's political creed, was, as on all former occasions, the governing principle of his present general institute. Four of the bills reported were remarkable illustrations of this principle, sufficient "to crush forever the eternal antagonism of artificial aristocracy, against the rights and happiness of the people." They were marshalled in phalanx by the Author, for the express purpose of carrying out the principle of equality in all its Latitude, as appears by his own record of the transaction.

"I considered four of these bills, passed or reported, as forming a system by which every fibre would be eradicated of ancient or future aristocracy; and a foundation laid for a government truly republican. The Repeal of the Laws of Entail would prevent the accumulation and perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and preserve the soil of the country from being daily more and more absorbed in mortmain. The Abolition of Primogeniture, and equal partition of inheritances, removed the feudal and unnatural distinctions, which made one member of every family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal partition, the best of all Agrarian laws. The Restoration of the Rights of Conscience relieved the people from taxation for the support of a religion not theirs; for the establishment was truly of the religion of the rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed of the less wealthy people; and these, by the Bill for a General Education, would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self-government: and all this would be effected, without the violation of a single natural right of any one individual citizen. To these, too, might be added, as a further security, the

introduction of the trial by jury into the Chancery Courts, which have already engulphed, and continue to engulph, so great a proportion of the jurisdiction over our property."

Among those who were associated with Mr. Jefferson in the great cause of reform, upon democratic grounds, and steadfastly cooperated in impressing the stamp of his principles upon the government of the nation, at the first crisis of its birth, the names of George Mason and James Madison, occupy a pre-eminent station. The characters of these distinguished republican statesmen, as drawn by their political chieftain, in his posthumous memoir of those times, are too interesting to be pretermitted.

"I had many occasional and strenuous coadjutors in debate, and one, most steadfast, able, and zealous; who was himself a host. This was George Mason, a man of the first order of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of the Revolution, of expansive mind, profound judgment, cogent in argument, learned in the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican change, on democratic principles. His elocution was neither flowing nor smooth; but his language was strong, his manner most impressive, and strengthened by a dash of biting cynicism, when provocation made it seasonable."

"Mr. Madison came into the House in 1776, a new member, and young; which circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself in debate, before his removal to the Council of State, in November, 77. From thence he went to Congress, then consisting of few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired a habit of self-possession, which placed at ready command the rich resources of his luminous and discriminating mind, and of his extensive information, and rendered him the first of every Assembly afterwards, of which he became a member. Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical and copious, soothing always the feelings of his adversaries, by civilities and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he held in the great National Convention of 1787; and in that of Virginia, which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logic of George Mason, and the fervid declamation of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers, was united a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever attempted to sully. Of the powers and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They have spoken, and will forever speak for themselves."

Of Mr. Pendleton, also, who was his great opponent on all the ultra points of his theory, he has left a most interesting and flattering portrait.

"Mr. Pendleton, taken all in all, was the ablest man in debate I have ever met with. He had not, indeed, the poetical fancy of Mr. Henry, his sublime imagination, his lofty and overwhelming diction; but he was cool, smooth, and persuasive; his language flowing, chaste, and embellished; his conceptions quick, acute, and full of resource; never vanquished; for if he lost the main battle, he returned upon you, and regained so much of it as to make it a drawn one, by dexterous manœuvres, skirmishes in detail, and the recovery of small advantages which, little singly, were important altogether. You never knew when you were clear of him, but were harassed by his perseverance, until the patience was worn down of all who had less of it than himself. Add to this, that he was one of the most virtuous and benevolent of men, the kindest friend, the most amiable and pleasant of companions, which ensured a favora ble reception to whatever came from him."

Our detail of the public and official services of Mr. Jefferson, must now give place to an incident in private life, which discovers to view the richness of his social affections, and the warmth of his general philanthrophy. On the memorable surrender of Burgoyne, in '77, it will be recollected, about four thousand British troops fell prisoners of war, into the hands of the American general; and by an express article in the capitulation, it was provided, that the surrendering army should be retained in America, until an authentic ratification of the Convention entered into between the belligerents, should be received from the British government. The troops were at first ordered to Boston, where they remained about a twelve-month, when they were removed to Charlottesville, in Virginia, a short distance from Monticello. They arrived at the latter destination, in January, 1779, harassed by a long journey, during a most inclement season, and doomed to encounter the severest hardships on their arrival, from the unfinished state of their barracks, the pressing insufficiency of stores, and the impassable condition of the roads, which rendered the prospect appalling, of a timely and competent supply of subsis

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tence.

A general alarm was disseminated among the inhabitants, insomuch that reasonable minds became infected with the panic. Mr. Jefferson, whose steady prescience of a seasonable change in the state of things, preserved him from the contagion, remained tranquil

and unmoved. He stood among the multitude and exhorted them to patience and composure, by his reasonings on the inevitable tendency of affairs; and soon, agreeably to his repeated persuasions, every difficulty disappeared, and every apprehension vanished. The planters, being more generally sellers than buyers, availed themselves, with great activity, of the advantages produced by the extraordinary demand for provisions, and quickly removed a scarcity merely accidental, to their own sensible benefit.

In the mean time, Mr. Jefferson mingled personally in the operations of erecting barracks for the privates, and establishing suitable accommodations for the officers, blending with his personal exertions, those affecting civilities and blandishments, which disarm even the dungeon of its horrors. It is true, these men were the willing instruments of a bloody and implacable enemy, foes themselves to the freedom and happiness of their benefactor, and who, he well knew, regarded him with such peculiar animosity, that under any other circumstances, they would have treated his offers of generosity with unqualified contempt; they were the enemies of his country, of that country which he so dearly loved, and whose cries were now ascending to Heaven against the injuries and the liberticide purposes of its oppressors; but yet, they were human beings, and, as such, entitled, in his opinion, to the same offices of kindness and hospitality, when in distress, as those who were united to him by the ties of national or even kindred alliance. He was indefatigable in his endeavors to render comfortable, and even happy, the situation of the captives; and, aided by the benevolent interposition of the citizens of Charlottesville, and by the genius and humane dispositions of the Commissary, his exertions were attended with the most gratifying success. In a short time, the residence of the prisoners assumed a pleasing air of comfort and ease; the barracks were completed, and a plentiful supply of provisions was procured. The officers had rented houses, at an extravagant rate, erected additional buildings, at their own expense, and hired small farms in the neighborhood, on which they beguiled the tedious hours of captivity, in the delightful occupations of agriculture and gardening. The men imitated, on a smaller scale, the example of the officers. The environs of the barracks presented a charming appearance. and divided into small parcels, in the form of regular gardens, neatly enclosed and cultivated. They purchased cows, sheep, poultry, and

The ground was cleared,

other domestic animals, which, with the customary rural circumstances, embellished the landscape, and presented to the mind, the idea of a company of farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers.

In addition to the barracks erected by the public, the prisoners had built great numbers for themselves, on a more fanciful scale, and in groups, from a principle of esprit de corps. In short, the whole army, both officers and men, seemed comfortably quartered in their new accommodations, with every prospect of a permanent and happy resting place.

But these extensive preparations and promising arangements were scarcely completed, when the Executive of Virginia, who had been invested by Congress with certain discretionary powers over the "Convention troops," as they were called, came to the determination of removing them, either wholly, or in part, from Charlottesville, on the alleged ground of the insufficiency of the State, for their animal subsistence. The rumored intelligence of this determination, filled the soldiers with the deepest regret and disappointment. Loud complaints were heard from every quarter, against the inhumanity of the measure; the nation was accused of having violated its faith; and such was the degree of effervescence among the prisoners, that irregular proofs of their dissatisfaction were seriously apprehended.

The generous citizens among whom they were located, participated largely in the general disapprobation. They contemplated the proposition, with mingled regret and mortification. The state of Mr. Jefferson's feelings may easily be imagined. His jealous sensibility for the national honor, and his ardent sympathies for the suffering captives, impelled him to immediate action. He addressed a long letter to Gov. Henry, in which he conducted him over the whole ground, and arrayed before him, in nervous and feeling terms, the multitude of public reasons, which obviously militated against the measure. The luminous and impressive developments of this letter, and the interest which all mankind feel in those efforts which are calculated to humanize the usages, and lessen the calamities of war, will justify the introduction of a few extracts.

"As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough mortification, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction of our pub. lic honor; as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and confiding, that our supreme Executive, whose acts will be considered.