through, and to find some means of shielding ourselves in future from foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever other form it may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining in the wish of Silas Deane, that there were an ocean of fire between us and the old world."

The sentiment of these letters was precisely in unison with Mr. Jefferson's commercial Report; and for this he was accused of servility to France, pronounced the High Priest of jacobinism, and branded with every epithet of scurrility, which the genius of vituperation could invent!

On the 4th of January, 1794, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the report of the Secretary of State relative to the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the United States; when Mr. Madison arose, and, after some prefatory observations, submitted a series of resolutions for the consideration of the members.

These celebrated resolutions were predicated on the principle of commercial discrimination, and embraced the complete idea of Mr. Jefferson's Report. They imposed an additional duty on the manufactures, and on the tonnage of vessels, of nations having no commercial treaty with the United States; reduced the duties already imposed by law on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations having such commercial treaty; and reciprocated the restrictions which were imposed on American navigation. The last of the resolutions declared, that provision ought to be made, for ascertaining the losses sustained by American citizens, from the operation of particular regulations of any country, contravening the law of nations; and that these losses be reimbursed, in the first instance, out of the additional duties on the manufactures and vessels of the nation establishing such regulations. Long and acrimonious discussions succeeded, on these propositions; and on the 8th of February, the first was adopted by a majority of five.

A motion was then made by the Anglican party, to amend the second by extending its operation to all nations, without discrimination. This motion was superseded by another, from the republican side, exempting all nations from its operation, except Great Britain. This brought the contest to a focus; and, apprehensive of the result of such a proposition, even if adopted, the advocates of discrimination moved a postponment of the whole subject until the 1st of March, which was carried.

In the mean time, intelligence arrived of additional British aggressions on our commerce; and both parties became sensible that something must be done. The republicans were in favor of commercial retaliation, as the most effectual weapon of resistance, and the only one which the crisis of affairs demanded; the federalists, though they deprecated the possibility of an open rupture with Great Britain, yet preferred even the horrors and desolations of war, to what they deemed a sacrifice of their patron nation to the interests of her rival. They thought it a favorable opportunity, also, to push for a standing army. A proposition was accordingly submitted to this effect; and also to empower the President to lay an embargo for thirty days, should the welfare of the country, in his opinion, require it. The former was negatived; the latter prevailed, on the 26th of March.

But the advocates of commercial retaliation were not to be deterred from their course by any of these feints and diversions. The embargo, should it ever be carried into effect, which indeed was never intended by the movers themselves, would, besides distressing our own commerce, affect the interests of all foreign nations alike; whereas it was Great Britain alone, who merited the scourge. Mr. Madison, therefore, frequently signified his determination to call up the discriminating resolutions, unless gentlemen had something more effectual to propose. Whereupon, sundry movements and counter movements were attempted, which produced violent altercations, but ended in nothing. Pending the agitation, however, fresh causes of irritation supervened, which excited the republicans to a bolder pitch of proceeding. Mr. Madison's resolutions were not considered strong enough. They gave way, therefore, to a proposition submitted by Mr. Clark, on the 7th of April, declaring that, until the British government should make restitution for all losses and damages sustained by American citizens from British armed vessels, contrary to the law of nations, and also, until the western posts be given up, all commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain, so far as respects the products of Great Britain and Ireland, should be prohibited. This proposition created a tremendous excitement; the debates were impassioned, tempestuous; at length, the moment of trial approached, and no longer a doubt existed of the passage of the resolution.

At this crisis, the monarchical federalists resolved on an act of extraordinary boldness, in the character of executive usurpation. They went to the President and engaged his interference in opposition to the proceedings of the House, by nominating an Envoy Extraordinary to the British Court! Sensible of their present ascendency in the Senate, and uncertain of its continuance, they meant, by forming a commercial treaty with Great Britain analogous to their principles and feelings, to erect a permanent barrier against the power of the Legislature to establish a different system of policy towards that nation. It was deemed unsafe to trust the business in democratic hands. John Jay was accordingly nominated by the President to proceed on this extraordinary mission; and, after a vigorous but desperate opposition, was confirmed by the Senate.

Intelligence of this proceeding of the President, was received with regret and marked disapprobation by the republican members of the House. They regarded it as an arbitrary interposition of the executive arm, to arrest the adoption of measures, which were manifestly in accordance with the sense of the people. They were resolved not to be diverted from their course, but to testify, at least, the independence of their body. Mr. Clark's proposition was resumed, and the debates renewed with increased acrimony. After a slight modification of its principles, the resolution was adopted on the 23d of April. But the bill was rejected in the Senate, by the casting vote of the Vice President.

Thus, all attempts to humble the maritime despotism of Great Britain, by making her feel the scorpion lash of her own policy, were defeated by the preponderating influence of British interest and monarchical principles; and Mr. Jay was dispatched on the humiliating errand of supplicating negotiation at the feet of a monarch, who had invariably spurned at negotiation, and rioted in uninterrupted aggression upon the rights of the ocean. The result of this mission was the famous Jay Treaty, so called, which was "really nothing more," in the language of Mr. Jefferson, "than a treaty of alliance between England and the Anglomen of this country, against the Legislature and people of the United States." The remaining history of that affair is better known, and need not here be repeated. This single transaction will serve as a specimen, though a very faint one, of the madness of the British monarchical faction,

through the remainder of the present, and the whole of the succeeding administration.

During these animated proceedings in Congress, which were set in motion by his commercial Report, Mr. Jefferson was in the bosom of retirement at Monticello. After five and twenty years' continual employment in the public service, with every wish of personal ambition more than gratified, he returned, with infinite appe. tite, to that line of life which had always been most congenial to his mind, and from which he was resolved never again to be divorced. In answer to a letter of the Secretary of State, soon after his resignation, containing an invitation of the President, pressing his return to the public councils, he wrote: "No circumstances, my dear Sir, will ever more tempt me to engage in any thing public. I thought myself perfectly fixed in this determination when I left Philadelphia, but every day and hour since has added to its inflexibility. It is a great pleasure to me to retain the esteem and approbation of the President, and this forms the only ground of any reluctance at being unable to comply with every wish of his. Pray convey these sentiments and a thousand more to him, which my situation does not permit me to go into."

In the cultivation of his farm, with which he was at all times extravagantly enamored, and to which he was now intently devoted, Mr. Jefferson was as philosophical and original, as in every other department of business to which his attention was turned. On and around the mountain, on which Monticello is situated, was an estate of about 5000 acres, which he owned; of which, eleven. hundred and twenty acres only were under cultivation. A ten years' abandonment of his lands to the ravages of overseers, had brought on them a degree of degradation, far beyond what he had expected; and determined him on the following plan for retrieving them from the wretched condition in which he found them. He divided all his lands under culture, into four farms, and every farm into seven fields, of forty acres. Each farm, therefore, consisted of two hundred and eighty acres. He established a system of rotation in cropping, which embraced seven years; and this was the reason for the division of each farm into seven fields. In the first of these years, wheat was cultivated; in the second, Indian corn; in the third, peas or potatoes; in the fourth, vetches; in the fifth, wheat; and in the sixth and seventh, clover. Thus each of his fields

yielded some produce every year, and the rotation of culture, while it prepared the soil for the succeeding crop, increased its produce. Each farm, under the direction of a particular steward or bailiff was cultivated by four negroes, four negresses, four oxen, and four horses. On each field was constructed a barn sufficiently capacious to hold its produce in grain and forage. A few extracts from his private correspondence, at this period, will show how completely his mind was abstracted from the political world, and absorbed in the occupations and enjoyments of his rural retreat.

TO JAMES MADISON.-"I long to see you. I am proceeding in my agricultural plans with a slow but sure step. To get under full way will require four or five years. But patience and perseverance will accomplish it. My little essay in red clover, the last year, has had the most encouraging success. I sowed then about forty acres. I have sowed this year about one hundred and twenty, which the rain now falling comes very opportunely on. From one hundred and sixty to two hundred acres, will be my yearly sowing. The seed-box described in the agricultural transactions of New-York, reduces the expense of seeding from six shillings to two shillings and three pence the acre, and does the business better than is possible to be done by the human hand."

To W. B. GILES."I sincerely congratulate you on the great prosperities of our two first allies, the French and Dutch. If I could but see them now at peace with the rest of their continent, I should have little doubt of dining with Pichegru in London, next autumn; for I believe I should be tempted to leave my clover for a while, and go and hail the dawn of liberty and republicanism in that island. I shall be rendered very happy by the visit you promise me. The only thing wanting to make me completely so, is the more frequent society of my friends. It is the more wanting, as I am become more firmly fixed to the glebe. If you visit me as a farmer, it must be as a condisciple; for I am but a learner, an eager one indeed, but yet desperate, being too old to learn a new art. However, I am as much delighted and occupied with it, as if I was the greatest adept. I shall talk with you about it from morning till night, and put you on very short allowance as to political aliment. Now and then a pious ejaculation for the French and Dutch republicans, returning wifh due despatch to clover, potatoes, wheat, &c."

To M. PAGE. "It was not in my power to attend at Fredricksburg according to the kind invitation in your letter, and in that of Mr. Ogilvie. The heat of the weather, the business of the farm, to which I have made myself necessary, forbade it; and to give one round reason for all, mature sanus, I have laid up my Rosinante in his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall expose him faltering