taken up the cause from various motives, and now maintain it from a love of contest and of notoriety, and from that hair-brained heat and invincible obstinacy that characterize fanatical warfare. Marat, Robespierre, and the monsters of the French reign of terror, were among the first and most devoted champions of abolition; but it may be doubted whether they cherished a real love of liberty or of man. Enthusiasts are as often evil as good; and when a cause like abolition is maintained in the face of an affrighted and afflicted country, and against the remonstrances and prayers of the best men in the land, the fire that warms the hearts of its frantic, angry, and head-strong champions, is seldom caught from the altars of the Most High.

CHAPTER XIV.

Policy of Abolitionists-Agitation in the North -in the South-with the slave-holders-with Slaves-Fanaticism-Female Influence-Or

ganization-Agents-Publications-Political Influence-Revolution-Disunion-Insurrec

tion.

THE great engine by which the abolitionists expect to effect their designs, is agitation-not reason -not argument-not candid appeals to the patriotism and common sense of our people—but agitation of popular prejudices and passions. Their first effort is to raise a party in the North. They admit, for they cannot deny, that the North can, under the present constitution, have no control over the institutions of the South. Why then agitate it? Why seek to excite in the North feelings of aversion and hostility against the South? No good motive can prompt a course so indirect and unnecessary. This policy is pursued for the purpose of perverting the sentiments and feelings of the North, souring its affection for the South, cooling its attachment to the Union, and urging it into a course designed to force the South into emancipation. The North also offers a field peculiarly favourable to their designs. Here they do not dread the penalty of the violated law. Here they do not apprehend the fiery indignation of a people whose lives are endangered by their reckless agitation. Here, too, they find a population generally ignorant of the nature and necessity

of negro slavery at the South, and prepared, by previous prejudices, to listen to the dangerous counsels of those who oppose it. But, perhaps, a still greater inducement for making the North the present scene of their labours is, that it presents a secure position from which to operate on the South. Here they may safely plant the lever by which they hope to overthrow the institutions of the slave-holding states. Here they may mix and prepare their poisons; may arrange their magazine of incendiary weapons; and send forth their publications through the South, on their errand of insurrection and death. They are heroic men, but not sufficiently heroic to perpetrate their offences in person. They are philanthropic, but dare not visit the slaves and minister to their alleged wants upon the spot. They are determined to "war until death with the tyrants of the South," but it is no part of their philosophy to meet their foe in the face of day; they war with poison, or in the dark. They are vastly pious, they quote scripture with peculiar unction, and repeat incessantly the divine command- "GO unto all nations." But they take the liberty of modifying the command, and read it, "SEND unto all nations."

The apostles did "GO," even with the prospect of certain death before them: the abolitionists are so much more holy than the apostles, that they cannot sanction what they did not scruple to approve and sustain-domestic slavery-but, with all their marvellous sanctity and heroic courage, for some reason hitherto unexplained, they have not yet ventured to "GO."

In attempting to operate on the South, they tell us that their object is to waken the conscience of the slave-holder. How they can expect, by endangering the life of the slave-holder, and the security of his family, by exciting his indignation and fears,

and irritating him to madness, to gain his confidence and sway his convictions, it is impossible for us to imagine. That they have not succeeded thus far, will be admitted. Had they really desired or designed to operate favourably on the feelings or opinions of the slave-holder, would they not, after so complete a failure, have abandoned or changed their plan?

Their operations are prosecuted through the medium of the post-office. They thus avoid expense, and make the nation pay for the transportation of their incendiary pamphlets. The arteries of the body politic are thus made to disseminate those poisons which are designed to destroy it. The propriety of such a course has never been doubted by the abolitionists-honesty being a virtue altogether beneath the consideration of such exalted philanthropists. The circulation of such publications throughout many of the states of the South is a capital offence. They, conscientious men, do not violate the laws in person; but throw the offence upon the unconscious carrier of the mail. This might disturb the ethics of some people, but the violation of law is, with the fanatics, a praiseworthy act, where the motives of the offender are so pure and lofty. The publications are generally directed "to the clergyman" of the post-office town, or to the post-master. The number of individuals to whom it is directed by name is very limited.

The real object of transmitting these publications to the South is, that they may reach the slave. No one who has read their publications, particularly those designed for the South, can for a moment suppose that they are intended or expected to operate on intelligent or educated men. They are designed for the ignorant slaves. The box of anti-slavery publications intercepted on its way to the South,

and destroyed at Philadelphia, contained a large number of handkerchiefs, with inflammatory devices. Were these intended for the master? It contained also books, with representations of slaves in chains, suffering under the lash. These, also, we are to believe, were designed for the intelligent planters of the South. The fact that they were not directed to the slaves, is immaterial. They could not have been so directed, with a possibility of reaching their destination. They were sent in the only manner in which they could reach the slave. The mails were swelled with them-the whole South was flooded with them. They were scattered broad-cast, and overspread the South as a pestilence. How is it possible that the slave could escape them? It was not intended that he should. They were written for him, printed for him-were suited only to his capacity, were forwarded for his use, and were intended, as will be seen hereafter, to excite him to a forcible assertion of his freedom.

In referring to the means used by the abolitionists to effect their design of popular agitation, we must not omit their constant recourse to religious cant. They appeal, for the most part, to fanatical weakness. They do not presume to urge abolition as patriots, philosophers, or political economists: they press it almost exclusively on religious grounds, in religious phraseology, and to religious men. Their policy, in this particular, manifests a deep insight into human nature, particularly in this country, and is the great cause of their past success.

The following passages, hastily extracted from an abolition paper lying before us, exhibit the manner in which their cause is urged.

"1st. Resolved, (at one of the abolition meetings,) That slave-holding being totally at variance with Christianity, its toleration in Christian churches