ment. The proposition was received an addition to the financial power of with manifest reluctance, but with a the Secretary of the Treasury; which candid reference to the will of the Presi- rose in his eyes as an evil of still greater dent. The latter smoothed the way, magnitude when Hamilton's proposi by representing the duties of the office tion came up of a national bank. This as less laborious than had been con- institution, in his distrust of paper ceived, and it was accepted. At the money, he considered a fountain of deend of March, 1790, he joined the moralization. To these causes of sepaother members of the administration at ration in opinion was in no long time New York. Then began that separa- added the pregnant controversy of tion in politics, which, gradually rising the good or evil, the wisdom or folly to the dignity of party organization, of the French Revolution, drawing with became known as Federalism and Re- it a train of conduct at home, when the publicanism. At the present day, it is neutrality question became the subject difficult to appreciate the state of Jef of practical discussion. Jefferson is ferson's mind towards Hamilton and thought to have lent some support to other members of the administration; the annoyances of the time under which his distrust of their movements, and Washington suffered, in his patronage apparently fixed belief that some mon- of the poet Freneau, who irritated the archical designs were entertained by President by sending him his newsthem. If there were any offenders in paper filled with attacks on the sup this way, they were Hamilton and Jay; posed monarchical tendencies of the but it is difficult to credit that either day. When the insolence, however, of of them entertained any serious inten- Genet and his advocates reached its tions of the kind, however naturally height, the case was so clear that Jeffer they might distrust theories of self- son employed himself in his office in government. In fact, there were "fears the State Department in the most vigorof the brave," if not "follies of the ous protests and denunciation. Whatwise," on both sides. Each party had ever opinions he might entertain of much to learn, which experience in the men or measures, on a question of practical working of the government practical conduct, he regarded only the only could teach. It was easy then to honor and welfare of his country. He exaggerate trifles, as it is unprofitable retired at the end of 1793, with the now, in the face of broad results, to friendship and respect of Washington revive them. There was a practical unbroken. The public questions which question also before Congress, which arose during his secretaryship, which seems to have affected the equani- we have alluded to, though the noisiest mity of Jefferson, that namely of the on the page of history, are perhaps not assumption of the State debts. Hamil- the most significant of Jefferson's career. ton was the advocate of this measure, His services, in many laborious matters which met with serious opposition. of investigation and negotiation, were Jefferson was inclined to oppose it, as constant; with England, in regard to

conditions of the treaty of peace; with Spain, in reference to her claims at the South, and the navigation of the Mississippi-a question which he was so happily to bring to a termination in his Presidential administration; at home, in his efforts for trade and commerce, exhibited in his various industrial reports.

The simplicity of his retirement at Monticello has been questioned by those who have been accustomed to look upon the man too exclusively in the light of a politician; but the evidence brought forward by his latest biographer, Mr. Randall, shows that the passion, while it lasted, was genuine. Jefferson, with all his coolness and external command, had a peculiar sensitiveness. In fact, it is only a superficial view of his character which could overlook this element lying beneath. A speculative moralist must feel as well as think, and the world can no more get such reflections on life and conduct -whatever we may think of their absolute value-as are thickly sown in his writings, without inner emotion, than fruit can be gathered without the delicate organization of the plant which bears it. Such grapes are not plucked from thorns. In Jefferson's heart there was a fund of sensibility, freely exhibited in his private intercourse with his family. He was unwearied in the cares and solicitudes of his daughters, his adopted children, and their alliances. In reading the letters which passed between them, the politician is forgotten: we see only the man and the father. Besides thest pleasing anxieties, he had the responsibilities and

resources of several considerable plantations; his five thousand acres about Monticello alone, as he managed them with their novel improvements and home manufacturing operations, afford. ing occupation enough for a single mind. He had, too, his books and favorite studies in science and literature. There were, probably, few public men in the country who like him read the Greek dramatists in the original with pleasure. What wonder, then, that he honestly sought retirement from the. labors and struggles of political life, becoming every day more embittered by the rising spirit of party? That the retirement was really such, we have the best proof in an incidental remark in one of his letters written in 1802the recluse was at the time in the Presi dency-to his daughter Maria, then married to Mr. Eppes. Fancying he saw in her a reluctance to society, he rebukes the feeling, adding, "I can speak from experience on this subject. From 1793 to 1797, I remained closely at home, saw none but those who came there, and at length became very sensible of the ill effect it had upon my own mind, and of its direct and irresistible tendency to render me unfit for society and uneasy when necessarily engaged in it. I felt enough of the effect of withdrawing from the world then, to see that it led to an anti-social and misanthropic state of mind, which severely punishes him who gives into it; and it will be a lesson I shall never forget as to myself." But the law of Jef ferson's mind was activity, and it was no long time before he mingled again in the political arena. His first decided

symptom of returning animation is found by his biographer in his subscription, at the close of 1795, to "Bache's Aurora." He was no longer content with "his solitary Richmond news paper." After this, there is no more thorough "working politician" in the country than Thomas Jefferson.1

the former was chosen by ten out of the sixteen votes of the States.

His Inaugural Address was an ap peal for harmony. After a brief sketch in vivid language, of which no one had a better mastery, of the country, whose laws he was appointed to administer"a rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies. beyond the reach of mortal eye"-he proceeded to assuage the agitations of party. "Every difference of opinion,"

It is not necessary here to trace his influence on every passing event. We may proceed rapidly to his reappear ance in public life as Vice-President in 1797, on the election of John Adams, soon followed by the storm of party, attendant upon the obnoxious measures of the President in the Alien and Sedition Laws, the rapid disintegration he said, "is not a difference of prinof the Federal party and the rise of the Republicans. Out of the stormy conflict, Jefferson, at the next election, was elevated to the Presidency. The vote stood seventy-three alike for himself and Burr, and sixty-five and sixty-four respectively for Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney. As the Presidency was then given to the one who had the highest vote and the Vice-Presidency to the one next below him, neither being named for the offices, this equality threw the election into the House of Representatives. A close contest then ensued between Jefferson and Burr for the Presidency, which was protracted for six days and thirty-six ballotings, when

The close of his retirement was marked by an honor

which he valued, his election as President of the American Philosophical Society. In his letter of acceptance, always

mindful of his practical democracy, he wrote, "I feel no

qualification for this distinguished post, but a sincere zeal for all the objects of our institution, and an ardent desire to see knowledge so disseminated through the mass of mankind. that it may at length reach the extremes of society, beggars and kings.'

ciple. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans—we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it."

One of the early measures of Jefferson's administration, and the most im portant of his eight years of office, was the acquisition of Louisiana by purchase from France. It was a work upon which he had peculiarly set his heart. From the first moment of hearing that the territory was passing from Spain to France, he dropped all political sympathy for the latter, and saw in her possession of the region only a pregnant source of war and hostility. Not content with the usual channel of diplomacy through the State depart ment, he wrote himself at once to Mr.

Livingston, the minister in France, The main events of this second ad. urging considerations of national policy ministration were the trial of Burr for not so much that the United States his alleged western conspiracy, in which should hold the country, as that the the President took a deep interest in European powers should relinquish it. the prosecution, and the measures From his own previous discussions with adopted against the naval aggressions Spain, he understood the topic well, of England, which culminated in the and his zeal was now equal to the occa- famous "Embargo," by which the forsion. An active European nation of eign trade of the country was annihithe first class in possession of the lated at a blow, that Great Britain mouth of the Mississippi, was utterly might be reached in her commercial inadmissible to his sagacious mind; he interests. The state of things was pe saw and felt the fact in all its conse- culiar. America had been grievously quences. The rapidity of his conclu- wronged in her unsettled relations with sions, his patriotic insight were happily seconded by the necessities of Napoleon at the time, and Louisiana became an integral part of the Republic, with the least expenditure of money and political negotiation. The turn of European events had much to do with it--but had the difficulty been prolonged, the prescience and energy of Jefferson would, there is every reason to believe, have been prepared to cope with the issue. The expedition of Lewis and Clarke, in exploration of the western territory, parallel with this new acquisition, was planned by Jefferson, and must be placed to the credit, alike of his love of science and patriotic insight into the future of his country. The brilliant acts of the navy in the Mediterranean, in conflict with the Barbary powers, came also to swell the triumphs of the administration, and Jefferson, at the next Presidential election, was borne into office, spite of a vigorous opposition, by a vote of one hundred and sixty-two in the electoral college to fourteen given to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney.

England, and not only assailed, but insulted in the attack on the Chesapeake and seizure of her men. What was to be done? The question was not ripe for war. The Embargo was accepted as an alternative, but its immediate pressure at home was even greater than war. The disasters of the latter in the injuries inflicted on our commerce, would have been vast; but they would have been casual, and might have been escaped. Not so this selfdenying ordinance of the Embargo, which prohibited American vessels from sailing from foreign ports, and all foreign vessels from taking out cargoes: it was a constant force, acting to the destruction of all commerce. It, moreover, directed the course of trade from our own shores to others, whence it might not easily be recalled. All this must have been seen by the Adminis tration which resorted to the measure as a temporary expedient. It, of course, called down a storm of opposition from the remnants of Federalism in the commercial States, which ended in its repeal early in 1809, after it had been in

operation something more than a year. Immediately after, the Presidency of its author closed with his second term, leaving the country, indeed, in an agitated, unsettled state in reference to its foreign policy, but with many elements at home of enduring prosperity and grandeur. The territory of the nation had been enlarged, its resources developed, and its financial system conducted with economy and masterly ability; time had been gained for the inevitable coming struggle with England, and though the navy was not looked to as it should have been, it had more than given a pledge of its future prowess in its achievements in the Mediterranean.

anathemas." 1 We may now penetrate within that home, even, in the intimacy of his domestic correspondence, within that breast, and learn something of the man Thomas Jefferson. His questioning turn of mind, and, to a certain extent, his unimaginative temperament, led him to certain views, particularly in matters of religion, which were thought at war with the welfare of society. But whatever the extent of his departure, in these things, from the majority of the Christian world, he does not appear, even in his own family, to have influenced the opinion of others. His views are described, by those who have studied them, to resemble those held by the Unitarians. He was not averse, however, on occasion, to the services of the Episcopal Church, which, says Mr. Randall, "he generally attended, and when he did so, always carried his prayer-book, and joined in the responses and prayers of the congregation." Of the Bible he was a great student, and, we fancy, derived much of his Saxon strength of expres sion from familiarity with its language.

He was now sixty-six, nearly the full allotment of human life, but he was destined to yet seventeen years of honorable exertion-an interval marked by his popular designation, "the sage of Monticello," in which asperities might die out, and a new generation learn to reverence him as a father of the State. He had been too much of a reformer not to suffer more than most men the obloquy of party, and he died without the true Thomas Jefferson being fully known to the public. In his last days he spoke of the calumny to which he had been subjected with mingled pride and charitable feeling. He had not considered, he said, in words worthy of remembrance, "his enemies as abusing him; they had never known him. They had created an imaginary being clothed with odious attributes, to whom they had given his name; and it was against that creature of their imaginations they had levelled their dall. Randall's Life of Jefferson, III. 644.

If any subject was dearer to his heart than another, in his latter days, it was the course of education in the organization and government of his favorite University of Virginia. The topic had long been a favorite one, dating as far back with him as his report to the Legislature in 1779. It was revived in some efforts made in his county in 1814, which resulted in the establishment of a college that in 1818

'Letter from Colonel T. J. Randolph to Henry S. Ran