reply. On another day, he for the third time asked me, "Whom shall we appoint commander in chief?" and the third time I answered "Colonel Hamilton." "O no!" replied Mr. Adams, "it is not his turn by a great "deal; I would sooner appoint Gates, or Lincoln, or "Morgan." Instantly I rejoined to this effect: "Gene"ral Morgan is here a member of Congress, now very "sick, apparently with one foot in the grave; certainly a very brave and meritorious officer, in our revolutionary war; and perhaps his present sickness may be "the consequence of the hardships and sufferings to "which he was then subjected; but, if he were in full "health, the command of a brigade would be deemed "commensurate with his talents. As for Gates, he is "now an old woman; and Lincoln is always asleep."* Mr. Adams made no reply. 66 66 Washington being, on this occasion, appointed commander in chief, the secretary of war (M'Henry) was directed to carry his commission to Mount Vernon. Knowing Mr. Adams's aversion to Hamilton, and apprehensive that he would either not be called into service, or if nominated to any office, that it would be in a rank so much below his merit that he would not and ought not to accept it, I took the liberty of writing to General Washington the following letter.† * My remark on the military characters of the gentlemen named by Mr. Adams, whom he would prefer to Hamilton for the command of the army, may perhaps be thought not quite so respectful to the President of the United States as became the dignity of his station. But if it was frankness in excess, it will at least show that I was not inclined to "mask" my opinions. My remark was instantaneous, but calm. Mr. Adams has totally misrepresented my character. All my life long I have been so accustomed freely to express my opinions, that some of my friends have occasionally regretted that I was so little reserved; that I did not conceal my sentiments, when, though correct, they might give offence; in a word, that I did not sometimes wear a "mask."-I meant no reproach to Lincoln. His lethargic babit was a constitutional infirmity. When I made the winter campaign, in 1776-7, with the Massachusetts militia under his command, he told me, that prior to the war, when he represented the town of Hingham in the legislature, he useď to ride home (a distance, then, of 16 to 20 miles) every Saturday night, on horseback, and commonly slept half the way. It was easy for him to fall asleep at any time, when in a sitting posture. In other respects he was a vigilant officer. But at this time he was a cripple from a wound received in the revolutionary war, and of an advanced age. I desire it may be noticed, that when I wrote this letter, I had had no 66 Philadelphia, July 6, 1798, 11 o'clock at night. SIR-My attachment to my country, and my desire to promote its best interests, I trust, have never been equivocal; and at this time I feel extreme anxiety that our army should be organized in the most efficient manner. The enemy whom we are preparing to encounter, veterans in arms, led by able and active officers, and accustomed to victory, must be met by the best blood, talents, energy and experience that our country can produce. Great military abilities are the portion of but few men, in any nation, even the most populous and warlike. How very few, then, may we expect to find in the United States! In them the arrangements should be so made that not one might be lost. "There is one man who will gladly be your second, but who will not, I presume, because I think he ought not to be the second to any other military commander in the United States. You too well know Col. Hamilton's distinguished ability, energy and fidelity to apply my remark to any other man. But to ensure his appointment, I apprehend the weight of your opinion may be necessary. From the conversation that I and others have had with the President, there appears to be a disinclination to place Col. Hamilton in what we think is his proper station, and that alone in which we suppose he will serve the Second to you, and the Chief in your absence. In any war, and especially in such a war as now impends, a commander in chief ought to know and have a confidence in the officers most essential to ensure success to his measures. In a late conversation with the President, I took the liberty to observe, that the army in question not being yet raised, the only material object to be contemplated in the early appointment of the commander in chief would be, that he might be consulted, because he ought to be satisfied, in the choice of the principal officers who should serve under him. -- "If any considerations should prevent your taking the command of the army, I deceive myself extremely if you will not think that it should be conferred on Col. Hamilton. And in this case it may be equally necessary, as in the former, that you should intimate your opinion to the President. Even Col. Hamilton's political enemies, I believe, would repose more confidence in him than in any other military character that can be placed in competition with him. "This letter is in its nature confidential, and therefore can procure me the displeasure of no one: but the appointment of Col. Hamilton, in the manner suggested, appears to me of such vast importance to the welfare of the country, that I am willing to risk any consequences of my frank and honest endeavours to secure it. On this ground I assure myself you will pardon the freedom of this address. I am, with perfect respect, Sir, your most obedient servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING. "P. S. Mr. M'Henry is to set off to-morrow, or on Monday, bearing your commission. "General WASHINGTON." sort of communication with Hamilton on the subject: it was a spontaneous act on my part to secure his services to the country. To this letter, I was favoured with a long and confidential answer, dated July 11th, in which the General went into a consideration of the kind of warfare to be expected, in case of an invasion by the French, and to which the military arrangements should have relation, The following paragraph is the only one I feel at liberty to introduce; and this, because important in justification of my conduct on the occasion. "Of the abilities and fitness of the gentleman you have named for a high command in the Provisional Army, I think as you do, and that his services ought to be secured at almost any price. What the difficulties are that present themselves to the mind of the President, in opposition to this measure, I am entirely ignorant; but in confidence, and with the frankness you have disclosed your own sentiments on this occasion, I will unfold mine, under the view I have taken of the prospect before us; and shall do it concisely." 66 66 I was also happy in finding my ideas on this subject coincident with those of Mr. Jay, who was then Governor of New-York. In his letter to me, dated July 18, 1798, he said, "Being of the number of those who expect a severe war with France the moment she makes peace with Britain, I feel great anxiety that nothing may be omitted to prepare for it ;"—and then, glancing at the kind of generals we should have to contend with, Mr. Jay proceeded "I cannot conceal from you my solicitude that the late secretary of the trea66 sury" [Hamilton] "may be brought forward in a "manner corresponding with his talents and services. "It appears to me that his former military station and "character, taken in connexion with his late important "place in the administration, would justify measuring "his rank by his merit and value." 66 The unexampled insults and injuries inflicted by France on the government and people of the United States, as herein before described, were sufficient, an impartial observer would suppose, to rouse the spirit of every American citizen to a determined resistance, and to repel force by force. But this unhappily was not the case: many of our citizens appeared more inelined to criminate their own government than that of France. There was, however, a decided majority well disposed to provide the means of protecting our commerce, and defending our country. Our treaties with France, grossly violated on her part, ceased to be obligatory on the United States; and Congress declared them to be void. Naval hostilities were authorized by an act of Congress, for the purpose of capturing all French armed vessels. Several of these were taken; and our commerce received protection. In this state of things, apprehensions were entertained that a formal war with France might ensue. A peace between her and England, for which the party (with the celebrated Mr. Fox at its head) in opposition to the government, were zealously contending, would remove the only obstruction to an invasion of our country by a French fleet and army. Under these circumstances, a prudent foresight justified and required the raising of a small army, as a suitable preparatory measure of defence. It would be a nucleus, around which should it become necessary, additional forces might be collected, to whom the previous training of the former would facilitate the speedy acquisition of the knowledge of discipline, to qualify them for actual service. Accordingly, Congress authorized the raising of twelve regiments of infantry and six troops of cavalry, in addition to the small peace establishment. But the same party in our country, which had before steadily opposed the federal administration, resisted the present measure. Indeed, no inconsiderable portion of our citizens appeared willing to make any sacrifice to France, although at the expense of the honour as well as the interests of their own country. For this reason, especially, it was deemed expedient to place in the command of the army its most popular military citizen; and on Washington it was accordingly conferred. This policy was doubtless correct. But, for myself, I thought only of that man of eminent talents who had been in service during nearly the whole of our revolutionary war, and the greater part of the time in General Washington's military family: this was Colonel Hamilton. I knew Washington's advanced age, and his strong predilec tion for a retired and rural life. He had himself avowed it. I knew that so long before as 1783, when he resigned to Congress his military commission, he manifested a determination never again to appear in office on the national theatre.* And after he retired from the presidency, I had not contemplated any future crisis in the affairs of our country, which would render it proper to interrupt his repose, and call him from that retirement to the field.t The Secretary of War, when charged with Washington's commission, was instructed by the President to consult the General as to the principal officers to be appointed to the army; and he transmitted, from Mount Vernon, by the mail, the General's list, containing the names of gentlemen who had served in the revolutionary army, and designated the stations in which they should be placed. At the head of this list, and in the following order, were the names of Alexander Hamilton, inspector general and major general; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, major general; And in this order they were nominated to the Senate. When the nominations were taken up for consideration, some of the Senators, who knew Mr. Adams's antipathy to Hamilton, proposed (as I was at the time informed) that they should act on the nomination of Hamilton, and postpone their decision on the other two till the next day; lest, if all were approved on the same day, in which case all their commissions would bear the same date, Mr. Adams should derange that order, and raise Pinckney and Knox above Hamilton. "I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life," were his words. Congress journal, Dec. 23, 1783. How distressing it was to him to be called forth at the period here referred to, cannot be more forcibly expressed than in his own words: "If a crisis should arrive, when a sense of duty, or a call from my country, should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, I should prepare for relinquishment, and go with as much reluctance from my present peace ul abode, as I should go to the tombs of my ancestors."-Letter from the General in answer to Col. Hamilton's of May 19, 1798, in Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. v, P. 748. |