an end to all this bloodshed was not yet practically established, viz., that the state should cease forever to regulate the religious opinions of the people. Any government or church which holds. the theory of a union of church and state or a union

Burbank

of church and state. The state was to be entirely secular and the church wholly religious. Each was to be entirely independent of the other. There was to be no link between the two but the bond of good will. Christianity is not a part of the law of the land, as

of religion with the state is bound to persecute the dissenter and nonconformist, and to ignore the rights of the individual conscience in religious matters. Europe was not able in the Reformation era to solve this great question, which makes so much for peace and national prosperity. Nor has she yet solved it.

It was left for the United States to settle the question of a complete separation of church and state, and guarantee to the individual perfect religious equal ity, by making it unconstitutional to enact any law respecting religious establishments. The American Republic was the first nation to recognize a purely secular state, free from ecclesiastical dictation and no longer bound to religious dogmas and ecclesiastical establishments. In America the federal government is purely civil and does not discharge any religious functions, nor does it profess or defend any religious dogmas.

When churchmen in America seek to ingraft religion upon the state and to interfere in civil matters, they do well to remember that they are given religious freedom on the implied condition that they leave the state free in its civil realm. If they do not want the state to interfere in religious matters, they must not interfere with the state in civil affairs. The state can of right recognize individuals only as citizens and not as religionists, or as representing church dogmas and establishments.

The founders of the American Republic aimed at a complete divorcement

was the

case in the theocratic form of government of our Puritan forefathers. That experiment proved a dismal failure, and for that reason the founders of the American Republic renounced the scheme and denied the principle.

Taken en masse, we may appropriately say that we are a Christian people in sentiment; but it is not proper to say that we are a Christian nation or government, in order to give a religious flavor to the quality of our laws, as is frequently attempted by certain churchmen whose creeds were formulated in Europe instead of in America.

The secularization of the state, of politics, and of jurisprudence has made the American Republic the greatest and most prosperous nation in the world. Likewise the separation of the church from the state has resulted in the greatest evangelical progress of the churches in human history.

The secularization of the state was no sudden freakish creation on the part of a few men who were enemies of religion, and intended to give religion a slap in the face. It has been a natural but slow growth based upon the accumulated experiences of God-fearing men who had the welfare of truth and religion at heart, as well as the good of the individual and society, so that the church might realize its largest possibilities and the state its greatest political efficiency. The secular state was a creation of religious men who were friends of religion and humanity. Their object was to erect an effec

declaration of policy has been exacted from the Y. M. C. A. which has been guaranteed 100 per cent nonsectarian, and taken in as it stands, 'lock, stock, and barrel.'

"Nor does it make for Catholic peace of mind here in Massachusetts to see Governor McCall giving a blanket approval of the Y. M. C. A. ' designation,' especially when the 'sectarian amendment' stands fourth on the list of constitutional convention business, and the lines are re-forming to push that iniquitous measure.

"With certain reservations, the Y. M. C. A. occupies in this country a place analogous to the Established Church in England. It takes in all varieties of religious vagary that will wear its collar; it excludes Jews and Catholics as its English relative excludes Dissenters; it constitutes a loose yet enormously powerful body of active, influential, and wealthy people who, though little concerned with its aims and policy, approve everything it does.

'In this decision by government officials who knew just what they were doing, the Catholic standpoint is understood and ignored.

The American Catholic young man does not doff his religious ideas with civilian dress. As he keeps away from the Y. M. C. A. in times of peace, so he will keep away from it in camp or field. It is estimated that between 300,000 and 400,000 Catholics out of a million registered in the recent enrolment. They constitute a body to be respected and reckoned with.

"The Y. M. C. A. is as Protestant an association as can be found in this Union. If it lives up to its constitution and the objects for which it was founded, it is bound to be sectarian. If it is now said to have become suddenly nonsectarian, thinking folk will opine that it is not to be trusted.

"The Knights of Columbus have appropriated a million dollars for this recreational activity' among the soldiers, but certainly not to be turned over to the

We see

Y. M. C. A. to use as it sees fit. no reason whatever why the Y. M. C. A. should arrogate paramount position by official designation' in the American army, when in practice its activities will work out, as they always have, in distinctly Protestant lines.

"It is eminently fitting that this association be afforded perfect freedom to accomplish the good work it desires among those who are in sympathy with it and its policy, but when it is proposed to turn over to this plainly Protestant and essentially sectarian organization the moral and recreational welfare of hundreds of thousands of Catholic soldiers and in effect and practice setting up an established church in the American army, we think it is going too far.

"In this matter the plain words of the Constitution are to be preferred to any felicitous phrasing whatever. The official designation' of the Y. M. C. A. in military work with the broad and unexampled powers given to it, is a tremendous mistake. We do not want in the army proselytizing interference either open or disguised."

This simply serves to illustrate how difficult it is for the government to have anything whatever to do with religion or religious teaching without getting into trouble. Of course, from the Protestant standpoint the Y. M. C. A. is wholly nonsectarian, but as the Catholics view it, that organization is Protestant, and therefore sectarian.

According to Roman Catholic opinion, there can be no true religion outside the Roman Catholic Church. The very existence of the Y. M. C. A. challenges the Catholic view, and its recognition by the government is therefore offensive to Catholics. Secretary Baker is simply face to face with one of the many problems that confront his department in the conduct of a great war.

C. P. R.

EVERY man has the inalienable right to relate himself to God as he shall choose.

By

C. Porter

S

OME of our readers have asked us how we can consistently espouse the cause of prohibition of the liquor traffic, and at the same time oppose Sunday laws and similar measures of a moral or religious nature.

Our answer is that the two things are totally unlike. It is true that drunkenness and the promotion of habitual drinking of intoxicating liquors are both immoral, but it is not for this reason that they are properly placed under the ban of civil law. The habitual use of intoxicants weakens and even destroys men both physically and mentally. It reduces them to poverty, and makes them prematurely old. It robs their families of the support to which they are entitled at the hands of their natural protector. It imposes upon the sober portion of the community unnecessary burdens in the suppression and punishment of crime and in the support and care of paupers and the insane. It increases liability to accident so that nondrinkers are daily and almost hourly put in jeopardy of life and limb from entirely preventable causes. It is such considerations as these that justify the prohibition of the liquor traffic, and not moral or religious considerations, which are sometimes mistakenly urged in behalf of political prohibition.

Another argument in favor of prohibition is that the organized liquor traffic is always a corrupting influence in politics. This influence can be destroyed only by destroying the traffic. In every State that has the legalized liquor traffic,

is a liquor party, or cabal, caring

nothing for principles, but existing solely for the protection of an "industry" thai thrives at the expense of every legitimate. honorable phase of productive or commercial activity. This cabal generally holds the balance of power as between the great parties through which the State is governed, and so is able to dictate terms, to shape platforms, and largely to name candidates for public office. This is so great an evil that even politicians, for purely political reasons, without any reference whatever to moral influences. have in many instances set themselves for the destruction of this utterly selfish traffic, that brings only degradation to its patrons, poverty to their families, and financial burdens to the community. Let him who can, disprove these allegations.

66

Christianizing Our Politics"

IN a neat panel, on the first page of the Southern Methodist (Baltimore) of Aug. 17, 1916, appeared the following from the pen of Dr. J. H. Jowett:

"We must Christianize our conception of politics. Politics has become a debased word . . . It originally meant the science and art of government. It meant the regulation of man in all his relations as the member of: nation and a state. It was a science and a art, with large ideals, and with correspond ingly noble endeavor and achievement. Bu today politics too often means self-seeking wirepulling, secret maneuvering, the pursuit of

onal advantage, sectional campaigns, the nifying of party interests above the welof the nation and the state. It is too ma low scramble and not a lofty crusade.

And therefore

there is urgent and immediate need that we Christianize our

conception of politics. We must

get back to Christ. What is the end and aim of government in the life and teach

of Christ? It is this: Thy kingdom me!' And what is the kingdom? It is e kingdom of righteousness, and peace, I joy.' And, therefore, the Christianized ception of politics is this such an intellit direction of human government as will ke all that is crooked straight, and will apnt such relations in righteousness as will vide a nest for the holy dove of peace, for all the singing birds of sacred joy. ristianized politics are human regulations the sphere of government for answering prayer of our Lord, 'Thy kingdom come.' hat a conception of politics! But it is the ly conception that is Christian. And if we : Christians, every other conception will be ished aside. And if this is the meaning politics, what manner of men ought our liticians to be? It is abundantly clear that ere are some men who ought never to be

owed to get into office. No man is going labor for righteousness whose own life is t straight. Such a man has neither vision r aspiration. His own iniquity bereaves n of clear eyes and holy will."

Dr. Jowett's conception of what polis should be does more credit to his art than to his head. It is a mistake at no Bible student ought to make, to ppose that Christ's kingdom, "the ngdom of righteousness, and peace, id joy," has or ever can have any conection with human politics. This is not say that a Christian can have no part political matters, nor that a Christian ill not be governed by Christian prinples in everything that he does; but it to say that the administration of civil overnment is not the peculiar preroga

tive of Christians, nor are they to use civil government to coerce their fellow men in matters of conscience.

Government is ordained of God, and is necessary for a world in alienation from the divine Being; but civil govern-ment can never take the place of God's spiritual government, and the Scriptures. do not so teach. To depend upon any such thing or to hope for it is to lean upon a reed, destined to break and pierce the hand of him who would find support in it.

Dr. Jowett's theory would take civil authority out of the hands of the world at large, wholly withdraw it from the great majority of the people, and put it into the hands of the comparatively few who either are or profess to be Christians.

Marriage, too, is a divine institution, "ordained of God." And the Catholic Church claims that the only true marriage is that which is solemnized by the rites of the church; all else is "filthy concubinage." This is exactly on a par with the theory that because civil government is a divine ordinance, it is Christian, and therefore can be properly administered only by Christian men. Our forefathers thought to negative forever any such proposition or possibility, so far as this country is concerned, when they wrote into the Constitution the words, "No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States." -Article VI, par. 3.

Let us at least strive to preserve intact the guaranties of liberty bequeathed to us in the providence of God, by the fathers of the Republic.