assorted garb of religious zeal. In the John of 1591 we have none of this violence; but the writer has exhibited a scene of ribaldry, in the incident of Faulconbridge hunting out the "angels" of the monks; for he makes him find a nun concealed in a holy man's chest. This, no doubt, would be a popular scene. Shakspere has not a word of it. Mr. Campbell, to our surprise, thinks that Shakspere might have retained "that scene in the old play where Faulconbridge, in fulfilling King John's injunction to plunder the religious houses, finds a young smooth-skinned nun in a chest where the abbot's treasures were supposed to be deposited."* When did ever Shakspere lend his authority to fix a stigma upon large classes of mankind, in deference to popular prejudice? One of the most remarkable characteristics of Shakspere's John, as opposed to the grossness of Bale, and the ribaldry of his immediate predecessor, is the utter absence of all invective or sarcasm against the Romish church, apart from the attempt of the pope to extort a base submission from the English king. Here, indeed, we have his nationality in full power;-but how different is that from fostering hatreds between two classes of one people.

It may amuse such of our readers as have not access to the play of Bale, or to the King John of 1591, to see an example of the different modes in which the two writers treat the same subject-the surrender of the crown to Pandulph :

:

THE KYNGE JOHAN OF BALE.

"P. This owtward remorse that ye show here evydent
Ys a grett lykelyhood and token of amendment.
How say ye, Kynge Johan, can ye fynd now in your hart
To obaye Holy Chyrch and geve ower yowr froward part?
K. J. Were yt so possyble to hold the enmyes backe,
That my swete Yngland perysh not in this sheppewracke.
P. Possyble quoth he! yea, they shuld go bake in dede,
And ther gret armyse to some other quarters leade,
Or elles they have not so many good blessyngs now,
But as many cursyngs they shall have, I make God avowe.
I promyse yow, sur, ye shall have specyall faver
Yf ye wyll submyt yowr sylfe to Holy Chyrch here.

THE KING JOHN OF 1591.
"Pandulph. John, now I see thy hearty penitence,

I rew and pitty thy distrest estate:
One way is left to reconcile thy selfe,
And onely one which I shall shew to thee.
Thou must surrender to the sea of Rome
Thy crowne and diadem, then shall the pope
Defend thee from th'invasion of thy foes.
And where his holinesse hath kindled Frannce,
And set thy subiects hearts at warre with thee,
Then shall he curse thy foes, and beate them downe,
That seeke the discontentment of the king.

John. From bad to worse, or I must loose my realme,
Or giue my crowne for penance vnto Rome:

A miserie more piercing than the darts

That breake from burning exhalations power.
What, shall I giue my crowne with this right hand?
No: with this hand defend thy crowne and thee.
What newes with thee?

K. J. How now lord Cardinal, what's your best aduise? These mutinies must be allaid in time,

By policy or headstrong rage at least.

O John, these troubles tyre thy wearied soule,
And like to Luna in a sad eclipse,

So are thy thoughts and passions for this newes.
Well may it be, when kings are grieued so,

The vulgar sort worke princes ouerthrowe.

Card. K. John, for not effecting of thy plighted vow,
This strange annoyance happens to thy land:
But yet be reconciled vnto the church,

And nothing shall be grieuous to thy state."

We would willingly furnish several similar parallels between the King John of 1591, and the King John of Shakspere, if our space would permit, and if the general reader would not be likely to weary of such minute criticism. But we may, without risk, select two specimens. The first exhibits the different mode in which the two writers treat the character of the Bastard. In the play of 1591 he is a bold, mouthing bully, who talks in "Ercles vein," and somewhat reminds one of "Ancient Pistol." There is not a particle in this character of the irrepressible gaiety,-the happy mixture of fun and sarcasm-the laughing words accompanying the stern deeds-which distinguish the Bastard of Shakspere. We purposely have selected a short parallel extract; but the passages furnish a key to the principle upon which a dull character is made brilliant. Our poet has let in the sun-light of prodigious animal spirits, without any great intellectual refinement, (how different from Mercutio!) upon the heavy clod that he found ready to his hand ::

* Remarks on Life and History of Shakspere, prefixed to Moxon's edition, 1838.

The second extract we shall make, is for the purpose of exhibiting the modes in which a writer of ordinary powers, and one of surpassing grace and tenderness, as well as of matchless energy, has dealt with the same passion under the same circumstances. The situation in each play is where Arthur exhorts his mother to be content, after the marriage between Lewis and Blanch, and the consequent peace between John and Philip:

SCENES AND COSTUMES.

IN this play the scene of the first Act is in John's palace in England. Of a Room of State of John's period, Mr. Poynter has furnished a sketch. The view of Angiers in Act II. is from an old print. The prison in Act IV. is from a drawing, by Mr. Poynter, of a vaulted strong-room of the time. Of Swinstead Abbey there are no remains, nor is any representation preserved that we can discover. Mr. Poynter's sketch exhibits a conventual building of the period, with the orchard and its characteristic fish-pond.

The authorities for the COSTUME of the historical play of King John are chiefly the monumental effigies and seals of the principal sovereigns and nobles therein mentioned. Illuminated MSS. of this exact period are unknown to us. All that we have seen of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries appear to be either of an earlier or later date than the reign of John. The nearest to his time, apparently, is one in the Sloane Collection, Brit. Mus., marked 1975. Fortunately, however, there are few personages in the play beneath the rank of those for whose habits we have the most unquestionable models in the authorities above alluded to, and written descriptions or allusions will furnish us with the most essential part of the information required. The enamelled cup said to have been presented by King John to the Corporation of Lynn, and from the figures on which the civil costume of his reign has hitherto been designed, is now, by a critical examination of those very figures, and a comparison of their dress with that depicted in MSS. of at least a century later, proved to be of the time of Edward II. or III. We subjoin a group in which the dress of the burghers and artificers is collected from the authorities nearest to the period.

The effigy of King John in Worcester cathedral, which, by the examination of the body of the monarch, was proved to present a fac-simile of the royal robes in which he was interred, affords us a fine specimen of the royal costume of the period. A full robe or supertunic of crimson damask, embroidered with gold, and descending to the mid leg, is girdled round the waist with a golden belt studded with jewels, having a long end pendent in front. An under tunic of cloth of gold descends to the ankles, and a mantle of the same magnificent stuff, lined with green silk, depends from his shoulders; the hose are red, the shoes black, over which are fastened gilt spurs by straps of silk, or cloth, of a light blue colour, striped with green and yellow or gold. The collar and sleeves of the supertunic have borders of gold studded with jewels. The backs of the gloves were also jewelled. A kneeling effigy of Philip Augustus, engraved in Montfaucon, shews the similarity of fashion existing at the same time in France and England. The nobles, when unarmed, appear to have been attired in the same manner, viz., in the tunic, supertunic, and mantle, with hose, short boots, or shoes, of materials more or less rich according to the means or fancy of the wearer. Cloth, silk, velvet, and gold and silver tissues, with occasionally furs of considerable value, are mentioned in various documents of the period. A garment called a bliaus (from whence probably the modern French blouse), appears to have been a sort of supertunic or surcoat in vogue about this time; and in winter it is said to have been lined with fur. The common Norman mantle used for travelling, or out of door exercise, had a capuchon to it, and was called the capa. A curious mistake has been made by Mr. Strutt respecting this garment. In his Horda Angel Cynan, vol. ii., p. 67, he states that "when King John made Thomas Sturmey a knight, he sent a mandamus before to his Sheriffs at Hantshire to make the following preparations :-"A scarlet robe, certain close garments of fine linen, and another robe of green, or burnet, with a cap and plume of feathers, &c." The words in the mandamus

are "capă ad pluña," a capa, or cloak, for rainy weather. (Vide Excerpta Historica. London: Bentley, 1833. p. 393.)

The capuchon, or hood, with which this garment was furnished, appears to have been the usual covering for the head; but hats and caps, the former of the shape of the classical Petasus, and the latter sometimes of the Phrygian form, and sometimes flat and round like the Scotch bonnet, are occasionally met with during the twelfth century. The beaux, however, during John's reign, curled and crisped their hair with irons, and bound only a slight fillet round the head, seldom wearing caps, in order that their locks might be seen and admired. The beard was closely shaven, but John and the nobles of his party are said to have worn both beard and moustache out of contempt for the discontented Barons. The fashion of gartering up the long hose, or Norman chausses, sandal-wise prevailed amongst all classes; and when, on the legs of persons of rank, these bandages are seen of gold stuff, the effect is very gorgeous and picturesque.

The dress of the ladies may best be understood from an examination of the effigies of Elinor, Queen of Henry II., and of Isabella, Queen of King John, and the figure of Blanch of Castile on her great seal. Although these personages are represented in what may be called royal costume, the general dress differed nothing in form, however it might in material. It consisted of one long full robe or gown, girdled round the waist, and high in the neck, with long tight sleeves to the wrist (in the Sloane MS. above mentioned the hanging cuffs in fashion about forty years earlier appear upon one figure); the collar sometimes fastened with a brooch; the head bound by a band or fillet of jewels, and covered with the wimple or veil. To the girdle was appended, occasionally, a small pouch or aulmoniere. The capa was used in travelling, and in winter pelisses (Pelices, pelissons) richly furred [whence the name] were worn under it.

King John orders a grey pelisson with nine bars of fur to be made for the Queen. Short boots, as well as shoes, were worn by the ladies. The King orders four pair of women's boots, one of them to be fretatus de giris (embroidered with circles), but the robe, or gown, was worn so long that little more than the tips of the toes are seen in illuminations or effigies of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the colour is generally black, though there can be no doubt they were occasionally of cloth of gold or silver richly embroidered.

Gloves do not appear to have been generally worn by females; but, as marks of nobility, when they were worn they were jewelled on the back.

The mantle and robe or tunic, of the effigy of Queen Elinor, are embroidered all over with golden crescents. This may have been some family badge, as the crescent and star are seen on the great seal of Richard I., and that monarch is said to have possessed a mantle nearly covered with half moons and orbs of shining silver.

The armour of the time consisted of a hauberk and chausses made of leather, covered with ironrings set up edgewise in regular rows, and firmly stitched upon it, or with small overlapping scales of metal like the Lorica squamata of the Romans.

The hauberk had a capuchon attached to it, which could be pulled over the head or thrown back at pleasure. Under this was sometimes worn a close iron skull-cap, and at others the hood itself was surmounted by a "chapel de fer," or a large cylindrical helmet, flattened at top, the face being defended by a perforated plate or grating, called the "aventaile" (avant taille), fastened by screws or hinges to the helmet. A variety of specimens of this early vizored head-piece may be seen on the seals of the Counts of Flanders in Olivarius Vredius' History; and the seal of Prince Louis of France (one of the personages of this play) exhibits a large and most clumsy helmet of this description. The seal of King John presents us with a figure of the monarch wearing over his armour the military surcoat as yet undistinguished by armorial blazonry. On his head is either a cylindrical helmet, without the aventaile, or a cap of cloth or fur. It is difficult, from the state of the impressions, to decide which. He bears the knightly shield, assuming at this period the triangular or heater shape, but exceedingly curved or embowed, and emblazoned with the three lions, or leopards, passant regardant, in pale, which are first seen on the shield of his brother, Richard I.

The spur worn at this period was the goad or pryck spur, without a rowel. The principal weapons of the knights were the lance, the sword, and the battle-axe. The shape of the sword may be best ascertained from the effigy of King John, who holds one in his hand; the pommel is diamond shaped, and has an oval cavity in the centre for a jewel.

The common soldiery fought with bills, long and cross-bows, slings, clubs, and a variety of rude but terrific weapons, such as scythes fastened to poles (the falcastrum), and a sort of spear, with a hook on one side, called the guisarme. The arbalast, or cross-bow, is said to have been invented in the previous reign, but Wace mentions it as having been known to the Normans before the Conquest. Engines of war, called the mangonell and the petraria, for throwing heavy stones, are mentioned by Guliel. Britto in his Phillippeis, 1. 7.

Interea grossos petraria mittit ab intus
Assidue lapides mangonellusque minores.

And in the close rolls of John is an order, dated 2d April, 1208, to the Bailiff of Porchester, to cause machines for flinging stones, called petraria and mangonelli, to be made for the King's service, and to let Drogo de Dieppe and his companions have iron and other things necessary for making of them. Philip sent to his son Louis a military engine, called the malvoisine (bad neighbour), to batter the walls of Dover Castle.

The costume of the following personages of the drama will be found in their portraits, which are introduced into the Historical Illustration accompanying each act :-King John, Queen Elinor, King Philip, Prince Lewis, Blanch of Castile, Salisbury, Pembroke, Henry III. We have, however, endeavoured to give a general impression of the military and priestly costume of the period, in the following group, which refers to the oath taken by the English barons interchangeably with Prince Lewis and his knights,