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Literary Notes.

The third volume of Albert Henry Smyth's edition of "The Writings of Benjamin Franklin" (Macmillan, $3) contains the correspondence and the comparatively few literary and scientific papers written from February, 1750, to July, 1759. Notable among them are the papers on

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physical, meteorological and electrical ex- City of New York Bonds

periments. Here, too, is to be found the
famous "Way to Wealth."

and other

"Seffy," by John Luther Long (Bobbs, Merrill), with rather crude illustrations in color by C. D. Williams, is an idyl of rural. love, or, as the author himself calls it, "a little comedy of country manners" among the Pennsylvania Dutch. The dedication of the book-to all who have courted, have never courted, will court and will never court, for remembrance or in pity, as an example or with tears-may suggest the rather sugared sentiment of the story.

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The Burlington Magazine for January contains the conclusion of Egerton Beck's interesting series of articles on ecclesiastical dress in art. It deals especially with

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dress, the beretta, camauro, surplice,
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The Churchman

The Faith once delivered unto the Saints

however imperfect it may be, it is the only righteous way of ascertaining fact and determining whether liberty has been con

verted into license. There is such a thing as false doctrine and there are causes for which the clergy can be and should be deprived of their sacred office. And when such a course is decided upon, it must be followed lawfully, reasonably, in the Spirit of Christ, but never with violence. As we have on a former occasion said, no man is a judge of the truth, but a man ought to be the best judge of his own loy alty to Christ and His Church. A man's sincerity in believing the truth of what he preaches is not what we mean, but a man's sincerity in his conviction that he is preaching what Christ taught and what the Church permits.

The evils of violence are strikingly portrayed by Winterbotham in "The Kingdom of Heaven." He is speaking of the Parable of the Tares. "False doctrines," he says, "are not to be violently suppressed. The wish to do so is sure to arise, because the damage which they cause is very serious and very lamentable. The kind of toleration which regards them with indifference. has no place whatever in the New Testament. If there be any methods of discour aging the tares without violence, let them be used by all means; but pulling them up is mischievous and forbidden. It is bound to do more harm than good. No saying of our Lord's has been more clearly illustrated in the history of the Church than this. The doctrines, for instance, of the Priscillianists were tares without doubt, like all the Manichaean teachings, which in so many forms, and with such a strange persistency, invaded the Christian ground. But when, in the year 385, Bishop Priscillian and six of his followers were put to death by a Christian ruler at the instigation of Christian prelates, not only was a dreadful wrong done to these unhappy people, but a frightful injury was inflicted upon the more unhappy Church of Christ. No doubt the tares were somewhat thinned by this violence, but the harm done to the true grain was incalculable. ... Along with the errors of the Manichaeans (bad enough, no doubt) there perished out of the land all the finer feelings, all the gentler and kindlier counsels, which belong to the religion of Christ. The damage to the wheat was simply in calculable. It is not possible to use any violence, even of language, toward false doctrines in the field of Christ, without doing some harm to the choice and tender growths of which He Himself is the patron. And the spoiling of these is a terrible price to have to pay for the partial destruction of the very worst tares."

proposition for complete free trade with reserved support of the American system
the United States, presented as the Demo of public education gives assurance that
cratic policy, received all but 6 votes of he will protect the interests of Filipinos
the minority; but the solid Republican from ultramontane or any other ecclesias-
strength, dissentients included, was cast tical intrigue.

against this measure.. Under the leader-
ship of Mr. John Sharp Williams, the
Democrats refused to make factious oppo-
sition to a measure, which, with all its
limitations, opens a door of opportunity
to the Philippines, and gives a little more
freedom to the commerce of the United
States. The Republicans, who for local,
personal and sectional reasons, stood
ready to prevent this, were neither num-
erous enough to destroy their party ma-
jority, nor sufficiently courageous to risk
a bitter contest. The result is a signal
success for the administration, a personal
triumph for Speaker Cannon, and what is
more important than all, a step toward
free trade. Through all its history
from its first territorial acquisitions,
in the interior and at the mouth of the
Mississippi to its last in the Philippines,
the United States has acted upon the prin-
ciple that all the agencies, influences and
demands of the more advanced portions of
the country should be used to facilitate
the development of the less advanced. It
is along the line of this great policy that
the United States now offers to its tropi-
cal possessions in the Philippine Islands
the largest sugar market of the world.
Nearly one-fourth of the world's sugar is
consumed in the United States, 2,770,-
000 tons out of 11,890,000. The new tariff,
as in the case of Porto Rico and Cuba,
makes a discrimination to the amount of

nearly one-third the present price of
sugar as a raw product. As this is also
done in the tariff on tobacco, the Philip
pines would have in these two crops great
advantages for American trade in spite of
commercial restrictions in other ways and
directions. But the bill has still to over-
come the opposition of trust and monopo-
listic interests in the Senate.

as

Luke E. Wright, who has
Official Changes
been Governor-General of
in the
the Philippines since Mr.
Far East.
Taft gave up that post of
conspicuous service to become Secretary
of War, has been nominated by President
Roosevelt the first American Am-
Governor Wright
bassador to Japan.
went to the Philippines in 1900 as a mem-
ber of the second Philippine Comr sion;
became Vice-Governor in 1901, and had so
much to do with getting the colonial gov-
ernment under way and inaugurating the
Philippine policies that no one better than
he could have carried them out during
the past two years. A Tennesseean by
birth, a lawyer by profession and heredity,
tive State, his appointment will, there is
for eight years Attorney-General of his na-
reason to believe, be regarded with
gratification at Tokyo, where he will bring
to these new tasks the same efficiency that
has characterized his work at Manila. He
will be succeeded immediately by Judge
Henry C. Ide, now Vice-Governor, Philip
pine Commissioner since 1900, and former-
ly a Commissioner to Samoa. Judge Ide
had already offered his resignation to take
effect on June 1. His appointment as in-
terim Governor-General is a recognition
of faithful and efficient service. He will
be succeeded at that date by General
James F. Smith, Associate Justice of the
The House has passed the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands,
Philippine tariff by
a and since 1903 a member of the Philippine
vote of 258 to 71, only 14 Commission. General Smith went to the
of the latter being Demo- Philippines as Colonel of the First Cali-
cratic, all of them from sugar or tobacco fornia U. S. V. and in April, 1899, was
states, and 57 Republican. The largest promoted to be Brigadier-General of Vol-
number of Republican votes polled against unteers. He has acted as Governor of
the bill was 73. Of the 57 voting against Negros and of Viscaya. The fact that he
it at the close, 33 were from beet-sugar is a Roman Catholic will commend him
states, and 24 from tobacco states. A to his native co-religionists while his un-

Chronicle and
Comment.

The Philippine Tariff Bill.

Though the balloting for The British the next House of ComElections. mons does not end till Jan. 27, enough divisions have been already polled to make it reasonably certain that the Liberals will have a small majority over all other parties combined; that the Nationalists will slightly strengthen their forces and the Labor party increase its representation some six or seven fold. And yet, such is the curious contradiction of election returns, until late last week the Conservatives, though they lost nearly two-thirds of the have representation they had at the begin ning of the last Parliament, had polled more votes than the Liberals. The House of Commons elected in 1900 counted, as does the present Parliament, 669 members and the Speaker. Of these the Conservatives numbered 334, the Liberal Unionists 68, and as these, to all intents, formed and continue to form one party, the Conservative strength was 402. The Liberals numbered 178, representatives of the Labor party 7; these also acted together, so that the Liberal strength was 185. Of Irish Nationalists there were 82 Thus far 505 districts have chosen 117 Conservatives, 267 Liberals, 42 Laborites and 79 Nationalists. The clear Liberal majority over Conservatives and Radicals together is now 29; over the Conservatives it is 150. The majority for progressive legislation over the forces of reaction is 271. Mr. Chamberlain's great personal triumph at Birmingham proved strictly local, the midland towns around that manufacturing centre voting prevailingly for free trade. There is, therefore, some uncertainty whether, in the pending Conservative reconstruction, Mr. Chamberlain will be the recognized leader, and in view of the fact that every member of Mr. Chamberlain's Parliamentary Tariff Commission of December, 1903, has been defeated at the polls, it seems reasonable to assume that protection as a political issue is dead, though some Conservative journals, the St. James's Gazette, for instance, affect to believe that the Trade-unionists could be enlisted by a shrewd politician in that cause. The Irish Nationalists anticipate co-operation with the Labor party in securing labor legislation for England and self-government for Ireland, though William O'Brier recognizes that Gladstonian Home Ru'e is not possible with this Parliament. He further progress toward the expects abolition of landlordism and a compromise on the Irish University question. On all sides the triumph of the Labor party is recognized as the most significant feature of the election, and it is also generally recognized that they might have elected more candidates had they chosen to nomMembers of Parliament reinate them. ceive no salary but Laborites are paid £200 a year and their election expenses from a parliamentary fund raised by an annual assessment of 1s. on the 2,250,000 tradeunionists of Great Britain, with whom it is expected the 2,000,000 members of co-operative unions will eventually affiliate. Each union decides on the number of candidates it can financially support and selects them by ballot. The management of the party is in the hands of a Labor Representation Committee. The whole system, quite foreign to our electoral methods, is most interestingly set forth by J. Keir-Hardie. the well-known Socialist Member of Parliament in the current Nineteenth Century. The Labor party is in a position, he says, to support 250 members