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New Books of the Week.
Theology, Religion and Philosophy.
HEALTH AND THE INNER LIFE: AN AN
alytical and Historical Study of Spiritual
Healing Theories, with an Account of the Life and Teachings of P. P. Quimby, by (PutHoratio W. Dresser, pp. 255: $1.35. nam's Sons.) HISTORY (The) OF EARLY CHRISTIAN Literature: The Writings of the New Testament, by Baron Hermann von Soden, D.D., translated by the Rev. J. R. Wilkinson, M.A. Edited by the Rev. W. D. Morrison, LL.D. (Crown Theological Library), pp. 476: $1.50. (Putnam's Sons.) KINDERGARTEN BIBLE STORIES: THE OLD Testament Adapted for Little Children, by Laura Ella Cragin, pp. 268 $1.25, ill. (Revell Co.)
RELIGION (The) OF CHRIST IN THE Twentieth Century (Crown Theological Library), pp. 197: $1.50. (Putnam's Sons.) SHINTO (THE WAY OF THE GODS), by W. G. Aston, C.M.G., D. Litt., pp. 390. (Longmans, Green & Co.)
WITH THE SORROWING: A HANDBOOK OF Suggestions for the Use of Pastors, Missionaries and Other Visitors in the Homes of Sorrow, edited by Frederick W. Palmer, pp. 160 75 cents. (Revell Co.) WITNESS (The) OF SIN: A THEODICY, by the Rev. Nathan Robinson Wood, pp. 151: $1. (Revell Co.)
YET ANOTHER DAY: A PRAYER FOR Every Day of the Year, by the Rev. J. H. Jowett, M.A.: 25 cents. (Revell Co.)
History and Criticism.
AMERICAN POLITICAL HISTORY, 1763-1876, by Alexander Johnston, edited and supplemented by James Albert Woodburn. In Two Parts. (II The Slavery Controversy, Civil War and Reconstruction, 1820-1876), pp. 598. (Putnam's Sons.) FEDERALIST (The) SYSTEM, 1789-1801, by John Spencer Bassett, Ph.D. (American Nation. Vol. II.), pp. 327, Maps: $2. Harper & Bros.)
KU KLUX KLAN: ITS ORIGIN, GROWTH and Disbandment, by J. C. Lester and D. L. Wilson; with Appendices Containing the Prescripts of he Ku Klux Klan, Specimen Orders and Warnings, with Introduction and Notes, by Walter L. Fleming, Ph.D., pp. 208: $1.50, ill. (Neale Pub. Co.) MECKLENBURG (The) DECLARATION OF Independence, May 20, 1775, and Lives of Its Signers, by George W. Graham, M.D., pp. 205: $1.50. (Neale Pub. Co.)
Science, Nature and Art.
CHAVANNES PUVIS DE, (Newnes' Art Library), pp. 64: $1.25. (Warne & Co.) HINTS ON BUILDING A CHURCH, by Henry Parr Maskell, pp. 196, ill. ("Church Bells" office, Tower Street, St. Martin's Lane, W. C., London, England.)
PRE-RAPHAELITISM AND THE PRE-RAPHaelite Brotherhood, by W. Holman Hunt, O.M., D.C.L., 2 vols., pp. 1,005: $10, ill. (Macmillan Co.)
ROSSETTI DANTE GABRIEL (Newnes' Art Library), pp. 78: $1.25. (Warne & Co.)
Poetry and Drama.
DIVINE (The) TRAGEDY, by Peyton Harrison Hoge, pp. 146: $1. (Revell.)
POEMS, by Mrs. Mary Bayard Clarke, with a Sketch of Her Life, by Winchester Hall, pp. 193. (Broadway Publishing Co.) VERSES, by George O. Holbrooke, pp. 143. (Broadway Publishing Co., 835 Broadway, New York.)
BESIDE A SOUTHERN SEA, by Elizabeth May Montague, pp. 162: $1. (Neale Pub. Co.) CASTLECOURT (The) DIAMOND CASE: Being a Compilation of the Statements Made by the Various Participants in This Curious Case now, for the first time, given to the Public, by Geraldine Bonner, pp. 223: $1. (Funk & Wagnalls Co.) DOUBLE TROUBLE; OR, EVERY HERO HIS Own Villain, by Herbert Quick, pp. 320: ill. (Bobbs-Merrill Co.)
HER AMERICAN DAUGHTER, by Annie T. Colcock, pp. 357: $1.50. (Neale Pub. Co.) LONG (The) ARM, by Samuel M. Gardenhire, pp. 345 $1.50, ill. (Harper & Bros.) LOST (A) CAUSE, by Guy Thorne, pp. 306: $1.50. (Putnam's Sons.)
MAID (A) OF THE FOOT-HILLS, OR MISSing Links in the Story of Reconstruction, by J. W. Daniel, pp. 248: $1.50. (Neale Pub. Co.) MAKER (A) OF HISTORY, by E. Phillips Oppenheim, pp. 305: $1.50, ill. (Little, Brown & Co.)
"NO. 101," by Wymond Carey, pp. 378: $1.50, ill. (Putnam's Sons.) PETER AND ALEXIS:
THE ROMANCE OF Peter the Great, by Dmitri Merejkowski (Sole Authorized Translation from the Russian), pp. 556: $1.50. (Putnam's Sons.) UNCLE ZEEK AND AUNT LIZA: A TALE OF EPISODES, by Hon, Henry C. Fox, pp. 222. (Mayhew Pub. Co., 100 Ruggles St., Boston, Mass.)
General Literature. PORTRAIT (A) CATALOGUE OF THE BOOKS Published by Houghton, Mifflin and Company, with a Sketch of the Firm, Brief Descriptions of the Various Departments, and Some Account of the Origin and Character of the Literary Enterprises Undertaken, pp. 267. (Houghton, Mifflin & Co.)
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The third volume of Albert Henry Smyth's edition of "The Writings of Benjamin Franklin" (Macmillan, $3) contains the correspondence and the comparatively few literary and scientific papers written from February, 1750, to July, 1759. Notable among them are the papers on
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The Faith once delivered unto the Saints
The Attitude of the General
Convention toward Truth. The Bishop of Tennessee protests earnestly and vigorously against the interpretation we put upon the attitude of the General Convention toward truth in our issue of Jan. 13. We trust that every one who reads this editorial will examine his letter. The passage to which he takes exception and cites in part is this:
"We have not won a name as a truth seeking, though we assume the grave responsibility of being a truth-bearing and a truth-teaching, Church. The General Convention has discouraged the original and independent investigations of scholars by refusing to accept in the simplest form the overwhelming voice of scholars as to mistranslations in the version of the Bible which it is our custom to use. The re fusal in itself is not so important as the attitude it represents toward truth. The far-reaching effects of this attitude it would be impossible to estimate. It is but natural, that if the General Convention gives preference to opinion, to taste, and to habit over accuracy with regard to the Scriptures, that the ministry and the laity should follow its example. We wish to illustrate by a single contemporaneous example the evil of such a principle of action-the arbitrary substitution of something else for truth."
Bishop Gailor feels, and appeals to the record to prove, that we have been unjust to the Convention. We only wish it were So. We should rejoice to be able to withdraw the statement, because it would mean that the General Convention had given up its consistent attitude of antagonism to the removal of mistranslations and had determined to put accuracy and truth before prejudice and taste. The bishop takes only that part of the record which shows that the General Convention finally, however reluctantly, yielded to what had become a necessity; but even this proves that the Convention was not willing to take the whole of the truth open to it. It refused to make all the corrections even that its own Commission insisted upon. Indeed, what Bishop Gailor quotes furnishes very telling proof of what we wrote, and his letter in more ways than one is the most convincing evidence of the truth of our statement.
With frankness and entire truth to fact, the bishop says that the General Convention made a Bible for itself—the Marginal Readings Bible, or what has justly been called a Protestant Episcopal Bible-in preference to allowing the alternative use of the Revised Version. The case is here presented in a nutshell. For what is the overwhelming voice of scholars as between these two Bibles? We cannot say Versions, because the Mar
Saturday, January 27, 1906.
ginal Readings is not a Version, but consists of borrowings from various versions, which seem to many badly mingled and mangled. This is not the Commission's fault. They were thus limited by order of the General Convention. Consistency and integrity were impossible under such an order. We have never heard of even a small body of scholars who regarded with approval the Marginal Readings Bible, nor of a single scholar who thought it comparable with the Revised Version. Bishop Gailor is himself very careful not to compare the two. The Marginal Readings Bible has value in itself as a corrective. It gives relief to some. But this relief is insignificant when compared to the harm of an attitude that deliberately chose the worse and rejected the better; not only rejected the better but refused the appeal of dioceses representing nearly 48 per cent. of the clergy and more than 50 per cent. of the laity. They asked for no edict in favor of the Revised Version as against other versions, but simply liberty for its use by those who believed it to be the best rendering of the Word of God. The appeal was for the liberty of the Holy Catholic Church, which has allowed different versions since there were any versions at all.
Bishop Gailor's one justification for the Convention's action in refusing to permit the use of the Revised Version is that to have authorized that version would have been "virtually to discredit the Marginal Readings and revoke its own action and policy for the previous ten years." This surely is as distressing as it is disheartening. Must then the Version of the Word
of God used in our churches be made to
justify the "action and policy" of the General Convention? This seems the inevitable conclusion. As a protest against the presence of scholars of many communions and representing different nations, our own among them, at Westminster, the General Convention undertook to
make its own Bible. It was a sectarian Bible, and its mission was to justify a sectarian policy.
As one of the reasons that affected him
personally the bishop states that he voted for the Marginal Readings because "the
American Revised Version of 1901 is a
hundred times better than the English Version of twenty years before, and has in this country (which is also good enough for me) practically superseded it." If this extraordinary claim were well founded, we could understand the bishop's voting for the American Revision. But why for the Marginal Readings? Bishop Gailor would not be a worthy American citizen if he would choose error, partial or complete, because American, in preference to truth, because foreign. Bishop
Gailor does injustice both to the General Convention and to himself. The case is not as bad as he makes it, but it is bad enough. Nothing will be gained by not seeing how bad it is, for only so will the attitude of the Church and of the Convention be changed.
Violent Denunciation no Cure
for False Doctrine.
In religious controversies, once so fierce, it is coming to be recognized as a principle that violent denunciation is at once ineffective as a cure for false teaching and damaging to the character and influence of religion. But while the trend is in this wholesome direction, there are still those among us who denounce in violent terms whatever or whoever reaches beyond the limits of their little world. Such persons are not content to sow the good seed, but must continually busy themselves with uprooting the tares. They are not willing to trust the truth against falsehood, to expound the true and expose the false, but they must needs pass final judgment on theories of the truth that do not suit them. They are not content to stop even here, but, assuming that which God has reserved for Himself, they judge persons, and denounce them as immoral and dishonest, for holding doctrines that they condemn. 'They force contradictions upon those who do not intend them, and sometimes where contradictions do not actually exist. And then, because of the contradictions that they themselves have discovered or created, they charge their brethren with denying what they have not denied and have no desire to deny, and with falsehood because they will not resign their ministry. Such a course seems irreverent and immoral. And yet these judges do not see it so.
They believe they must honestly believe, because such a course would seem impossible if conviction did not force them to it-that they are doing God service. They
do in our Lord's name what He Himself never did. They should rather follow His example by opposing truth to falsehood with reasonableness and by referring matters of law to the law.
Plain objective violations of law of any kind must be settled by law.
In the absence of objective violations of law the relations of persons to Christ and His Church are beyond the power of human judgment, and are too sacred to be dealt with by violence. The evils of false doctrine are too fatal to be condoned or tolerated, but the evils of persecution and violence are also too fatal to be condoned or tolerated. We make no defence for either; neither is of God; but we do stand and shall hope always to stand for the liberty of the sons of God in His Kingdom. Liberty is not license. We have a law, and
however imperfect it may be, it is the only righteous way of ascertaining fact and determining whether liberty has been con
verted into license. There is such a thing as false doctrine and there are causes for which the clergy can be and should be deprived of their sacred office. And when such a course is decided upon, it must be followed lawfully, reasonably, in the Spirit of Christ, but never with violence. As we have on a former occasion said, no man is a judge of the truth, but a man ought to be the best judge of his own loy alty to Christ and His Church. A man's sincerity in believing the truth of what he preaches is not what we mean, but a man's sincerity in his conviction that he is preaching what Christ taught and what the Church permits.
The evils of violence are strikingly portrayed by Winterbotham in "The Kingdom of Heaven." He is speaking of the Parable of the Tares. "False doctrines," he says, "are not to be violently suppressed. The wish to do so is sure to arise, because the damage which they cause is very serious and very lamentable. The kind of toleration which regards them with indifference. has no place whatever in the New Testament. If there be any methods of discour aging the tares without violence, let them be used by all means; but pulling them up is mischievous and forbidden. It is bound to do more harm than good. No saying of our Lord's has been more clearly illustrated in the history of the Church than this. The doctrines, for instance, of the Priscillianists were tares without doubt, like all the Manichaean teachings, which in so many forms, and with such a strange persistency, invaded the Christian ground. But when, in the year 385, Bishop Priscillian and six of his followers were put to death by a Christian ruler at the instigation of Christian prelates, not only was a dreadful wrong done to these unhappy people, but a frightful injury was inflicted upon the more unhappy Church of Christ. No doubt the tares were somewhat thinned by this violence, but the harm done to the true grain was incalculable. ... Along with the errors of the Manichaeans (bad enough, no doubt) there perished out of the land all the finer feelings, all the gentler and kindlier counsels, which belong to the religion of Christ. The damage to the wheat was simply in calculable. It is not possible to use any violence, even of language, toward false doctrines in the field of Christ, without doing some harm to the choice and tender growths of which He Himself is the patron. And the spoiling of these is a terrible price to have to pay for the partial destruction of the very worst tares."
proposition for complete free trade with reserved support of the American system
against this measure.. Under the leader-
nearly one-third the present price of
Luke E. Wright, who has
The Philippine Tariff Bill.
Though the balloting for The British the next House of ComElections. mons does not end till Jan. 27, enough divisions have been already polled to make it reasonably certain that the Liberals will have a small majority over all other parties combined; that the Nationalists will slightly strengthen their forces and the Labor party increase its representation some six or seven fold. And yet, such is the curious contradiction of election returns, until late last week the Conservatives, though they lost nearly two-thirds of the have representation they had at the begin ning of the last Parliament, had polled more votes than the Liberals. The House of Commons elected in 1900 counted, as does the present Parliament, 669 members and the Speaker. Of these the Conservatives numbered 334, the Liberal Unionists 68, and as these, to all intents, formed and continue to form one party, the Conservative strength was 402. The Liberals numbered 178, representatives of the Labor party 7; these also acted together, so that the Liberal strength was 185. Of Irish Nationalists there were 82 Thus far 505 districts have chosen 117 Conservatives, 267 Liberals, 42 Laborites and 79 Nationalists. The clear Liberal majority over Conservatives and Radicals together is now 29; over the Conservatives it is 150. The majority for progressive legislation over the forces of reaction is 271. Mr. Chamberlain's great personal triumph at Birmingham proved strictly local, the midland towns around that manufacturing centre voting prevailingly for free trade. There is, therefore, some uncertainty whether, in the pending Conservative reconstruction, Mr. Chamberlain will be the recognized leader, and in view of the fact that every member of Mr. Chamberlain's Parliamentary Tariff Commission of December, 1903, has been defeated at the polls, it seems reasonable to assume that protection as a political issue is dead, though some Conservative journals, the St. James's Gazette, for instance, affect to believe that the Trade-unionists could be enlisted by a shrewd politician in that cause. The Irish Nationalists anticipate co-operation with the Labor party in securing labor legislation for England and self-government for Ireland, though William O'Brier recognizes that Gladstonian Home Ru'e is not possible with this Parliament. He further progress toward the expects abolition of landlordism and a compromise on the Irish University question. On all sides the triumph of the Labor party is recognized as the most significant feature of the election, and it is also generally recognized that they might have elected more candidates had they chosen to nomMembers of Parliament reinate them. ceive no salary but Laborites are paid £200 a year and their election expenses from a parliamentary fund raised by an annual assessment of 1s. on the 2,250,000 tradeunionists of Great Britain, with whom it is expected the 2,000,000 members of co-operative unions will eventually affiliate. Each union decides on the number of candidates it can financially support and selects them by ballot. The management of the party is in the hands of a Labor Representation Committee. The whole system, quite foreign to our electoral methods, is most interestingly set forth by J. Keir-Hardie. the well-known Socialist Member of Parliament in the current Nineteenth Century. The Labor party is in a position, he says, to support 250 members