us.

well as the memory of a thousand kindnesses received at their hands, have consecrated in my own regard, the citizenship among them which the Constitution of our common country so amply secures. My past and my present are here; and if Heaven please, my future will be here, to enjoy or suffer with this people whatever in His providence may yet be in store for It has been as a fellow observer, and I will add, as a fellow sufferer with them, that my judgment of the system of slavery among us has been formed. We have seen it seeking to inaugurate, and in many instances, all too successfully, a reign of terror in times of profound peace, of which Austria might be ashamed. We have seen it year by year driving out from our genial climate, and fruitful soil, and exhaustless natural resources, some of the men of the very best energy, talent, and skill among our population. We have seen also in times of peace, the liberty of speech taken away-the freedom of the press abolished-and the willing minions of this system in hunting down their victims, spare from degradation and insult, neither the young nor the gray haired veteran of seventy winters, whose every thought was as free from offence against society, as is that of the infant of days. And last but not least, we have seen its own chosen and favored interpreters, standing in the very sanctuaries of our political zion, throughout the land, blaspheming the holy principles of popular liberty to which the very places where they stood had been consecrated, by dooming my child and every man's child that must live by labor to a virtual and helpless slavery. And as the natural outgrowth of all this, we have seen this huge barbaric raid against popular rights, and against the world's last hope. It has been the merit of other attempted revolutions that their motive at least was a reaching upward and forward after liberty; it is the infamy of this that it is a reaching backward and downward after despotism. It would put back the hand on the world's dial a thousand years. It would put out the world's light in the darkness of utter and dreary despair. Surely, to the extent that we have suffered from these ills, our very manhood calls upon us to guard by all reasonable preventives, against their return.

CHAPTER XVII.

WEST VIRGINIA AT THE BAR OF THE SENATE.

SENATOR WILLEY PRESENTS ITS CASE.

May 29, 1862, in the United States Senate, Mr. Willey presented the memorial of the Virginia legislature, with accompanying papers, praying that West Virginia might be admitted as a State into the Union. Mr. Willey proceeded to address the Senate in recital of the events which had led up to this application, and of the grounds in law and equity on which it was founded. Following due reference to the Richmond Convention and its lawless acts, he went over the movements in Northwestern Virginia, from the Convention in May, 1861, to that which had framed this constitution, reading official documents from time to time to show completely the regularity and legality of every step which had led up to this application. He also addressed himself to the causes which had impelled the Northwest to seek this separation. They were not temporary in their nature; had not sprung up as the result of the secession movement, but were deepseated and of long standing. They had grown out of natural differences, physical and geographical between the

sections, and of social and political differences due to different institutions, policies and ideas operating through more than half a century.

When the Senator had concluded his presentation of the case of West Virginia, he expressed a preference that the papers be referred to a special committee. Mr. Sumner thought they should take the usual direction given to applications of this kind and go to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Willey repeated his preference, but as Mr. Sumner was persistent, did not press it.

SENATOR CARLILE PREPARES A SURPRISE.

June 23d, the Committee on Territories, of which Mr. Carlile was a member and Mr. Wade of Ohio chairman, reported a bill for the admission of West Virginia. It would be an astonishing measure if it could be supposed the purpose of him who drew it was to promote the admission of the State. The fact was afterwards developed that the bill had been drawn by Mr. Carlile, who had put himself forward in the committee, as he had in Western Virginia, as the special champion of the New State; and the amazing thing was that Mr. Carlile should have drawn such a bill. The committee having no reason to doubt his good faith and recognizing his familiarity with and authoritative relation to the subject, allowed him to shape the measure in his own way. But the people of West Virginia, knowing nothing of the change that had come over their Senator, chosen with such special honors and in unbounded confidence, were amazed when they learned the character of the measure which had emanated from the committee.

It provided, in brief, that before the State should be admitted it should include the following counties in addition to those embraced in the constitution submitted: Clark, Frederick, Warren, Page, Shenandoah, Rockingham, Augusta, Highland, Bath, Rockbridge, Botetourt, Craig and Allegheny. The bill required that another convention should be assembled when the Governor of Virginia might direct "and as soon as may be after the people in the several counties may be relieved from the presence of armed insurgents;" and that when a convention of delegates from all these counties-at that time alternately swept by contending armies-should have framed another constitution, it should be submitted and all the formalities gone over again. Incorporated in the bill was this provision for emancipation: "From and after the 4th day of July, 1863, the children of all slaves born within the limits of the proposed State shall be free." As if a convention embracing all these Valley counties, with their large slave population and strong pro-slavery feeling, would ever put such a provision into a constitution! Mr. Carlile himself was strongly pro-slavery in feeling; but evidently this provision was demanded by other members of the committee, and Mr. Carlile knew it made no difference what went into the bill, designed as it was only to block admission.

CARLILE VS. CARLILE.

The passage of such a measure by Congress, friends and enemies alike, recognized as the defeat of a new State. Mr. Carlile himself had declared in the August Convention, when the opponents of division were pushing this

sections, and of social and political differences due to different institutions, policies and ideas operating through more than half a century.

When the Senator had concluded his presentation of the case of West Virginia, he expressed a preference that the papers be referred to a special committee. Mr. Sumner thought they should take the usual direction given to applications of this kind and go to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Willey repeated his preference, but as Mr. Sumner was persistent, did not press it.

SENATOR CARLILE PREPARES A SURPRISE.

June 23d, the Committee on Territories, of which Mr. Carlile was a member and Mr. Wade of Ohio chairman, reported a bill for the admission of West Virginia. It would be an astonishing measure if it could be supposed the purpose of him who drew it was to promote the admission of the State. The fact was afterwards developed that the bill had been drawn by Mr. Carlile, who had put himself forward in the committee, as he had in Western Virginia, as the special champion of the New State; and the amazing thing was that Mr. Carlile should have drawn such a bill. The committee having no reason to doubt his good faith and recognizing his familiarity with and authoritative relation to the subject, allowed him to shape the measure in his own way. But the people of West Virginia, knowing nothing of the change that had come over their Senator, chosen with such special honors and in unbounded confidence, were amazed when they learned the character of the measure which had emanated from the committee.