ter, his fearlessness, his bold and steadfast advocacy of resistance to the Richmond programme and later usurpation, made his paper a power at home and respected elsewhere as an exponent of loyal Western Virginia.

As the evolution of events brought to the front the proposition for division, it found its earliest friend and faithfulest supporter in Mr. Campbell, who saw no reason for separation from Virginia that was not equally a reason for separation from slavery. When the Convention which framed the constitution for the New State refused to incorporate in it, or even submit separately, a mild provision for gradual emancipation, he warned them they were wasting their time to go to Washington with such an organic law.

When the New State was fighting for its life at the National capital, no one labored more effectively with members of the two houses, with whom he had a wide acquaintance. The fate of the New State was in the hands of the Republican majority in each house, and it was these that Mr. Campbell was able to most influentially reach. When Thad Stevens said he voted for admission because he had confidence in the people of West Virginia "and in the worthy men sent here to represent them,” it was a tribute to Mr. Campbell and his co-laborers, among whom none was more widely or more favorably known than he. It was he more than any one else who enlisted the interest and aid of Bingham, the "old man eloquent" of Ohio, who took West Virginia under his arm and carried us through the shoals and floods of the House. It was he, above all others, who waked up the sturdy old

senator from the Western Reserve, who stood godfather for us in the Senate after the defection of Carlile.

When it came to the election of senators for the New State in 1863 and again in 1865, some of Mr. Campbell's friends put forward his name; but the Legislature was more impressed by the names of other candidates, pressed in one case by a powerful church organization, in the other by a railroad corporation. Mr. Campbell would not deviate from his path in the least to propitiate the legislative gentlemen-indeed, had not long before criticised them sharply for taking pay during a recess. Public bodies, like some other bodies, are grateful for things to come rather than for things past. Mr. Campbell's claims to their consideration lay on a level rather too high for the average legislative appreciation. He could help other people into the Senate but he could not-or would nothelp himself in the least.

After Mr. Campbell's death, the editor of the Intelligencer was moved to say:

It is no exaggeration to say that no State owed a man so much and paid so little of the obligation; that no man worked so unselfishly for the consummation of an object and received so few of the rewards for honorable efforts and conspicuous success. These lines are not written in the sense of a reproach but in justice to truth. This lack of tangible gratitude on the part of the State has many explanations which would perhaps be in bad taste in these columns.

It should not be inferred from this that Mr. Campbell did not enjoy the popular confidence and esteem, for he did in an eminent degree.

PION

CAMPBELL, THE PIONEER.

The one man who exercised a powerful and enduring influence on the fortunes of Northwestern Virginia—who went beyond any other in moulding public opinion towards the result-a free and separate State-but who does not appear among the professional artificers of the structure, nor among those who enjoyed the honors and emoluments of success, was Archibald W. Campbell, editor of the Wheeling Intelligencer. Like Peirpoint, with whom he was always in close touch, Mr. Campbell was a poor politician. Both were too earnest and single minded to give themselves to self-seeking. Peirpoint accepted a post and duty surrounded with danger and rather shunned than sought by his contemporaries; and having served the public ends in this difficult place, in a most trying time, with scanty thanks from those he most directly served-without trying to promote his own personal fortunes-he went back when his thankless task was finished, and he had been made the victim of a legislative Frankenstein at Richmond, to his modest home by the Monongahela and sat down again to earn his bread and butter as an attorney. Impelled by a kindred sincerity and devotedness of purpose, Mr. Campbell gave himself without reserve to the work of educating and preparing the people of Northwestern Virginia for the high destiny he had faith to believe awaited them. When the time of fruition came-as it did in an unexpected way-he left it to others more adroit, less deserving-less scrupulous possibly-to reap the harvest he had sown.

Mr. Campbell came of good stock, and combined in his make-up a fine quality of brains with an even finer probity-the "invincible probity" which Emerson attributes to Montaigne. In his paternal ancestry there was blended the sturdy, conscientious Scotch-Irish with a strain of French Huguenot—a heredity likely to tell for force and brilliancy; which may explain the traits that in Mr. Campbell's career were best known to his contemporaries. On his mother's side, he came of an old New England ancestry of genuine Puritan breeding.

At Bethany College Mr. Campbell laid the foundation. for the liberal education to which every year of his busy and studious life made additions. A term at a law school where he sat at the feet of that Gamaliel of free-soil, William H. Seward, probably helped give to his political thought a direction in consonance with his innate principles. He began newspaper work in 1856 on the Intelligencer and later in the same year joined John F. McDermot, then printing Bishop Campbell's "Millenial Harbinger," at Bethany, in the purchase of the Intelligencer. At that time it being understood the new proprietors expected to make a Republican paper, it was predicted that within six months their press would be in the Ohio River. The five years that followed were years of struggle for existence; but it was a case of the survival of the fittest. The young editor, wiser than his years, laid out a programme of deliberate, cautious, steadfast advocacy of free-soil principles. He took the highest ground on the Republican side of American politics-then just beginning to stir profoundly the moral consciousness of the North-and maintained it with a dignity and ability that commanded the