07-11-3365K THERE are persons who look upon the term "pro-German" as an epithet of reproach. Though not one of these, I insist that the term does not accurately characterize this book. The book is proAmerican. It is written from the American point of view, and with American interests in mind. Personally I am not much worried for the Germans, because, for one thing, I am convinced that they are entirely able to take care of themselves. But I am much concerned for the future of America. I have tried to analyze the international situation from the facts as I see them. I have written with both a fear and a hope: a fear that the United States, the one great nation that so far has stood aloof, might lose its head and join the carnage; a hope that America, at some future time, might contribute effectively to the upbuilding of a permanent peace for the world. To my mind the United States can make no bigger blunder, no graver historical mistake, than to abandon its position of neutrality. I contend that it has no business in this war, no matter whether the Teutonic Powers win or lose. The plunge into war is like a jump into a whirlpool; it is easy enough to get in, but there is no calm second thought, and escape can be purchased only by a terrific drain on vitality. America sober, would not make war; but America drunk with anti-German prejudice, might take the plunge. To add, in some small way, to that sobriety of judgment that would make us pause before we leap, is one of the chief purposes of the book. That America will be able to do anything constructive for world peace seems to me questionable. For at present the vision of America is clouded. It is not anti-war, except in a vague, sentimental way; it is anti-German. It identifies "militarism" with a single nation. It does not see that militarism in Germany (and I do not deny its existence there) can never be wiped out by the pressure of rival militarisms. Guilt, apparently, is never satisfactory until it is personal. Americans in general have felt revulsion and horror at this war, and they have shown a disposition to fix the guilt on somebody, some definite set of human beings, not a system—not an historical process-but a visible and punishable criminal. And they have made the German people, or the German Junkers, the criminal. But this is not thinking, it is malice. G. Lowes Dickinson has observed: "I believe that this war . . . is a calamity to civilization unequaled, unexampled, perhaps irremediable; and that the only good that can come out of it would be a clearer comprehension by ordinary men and women of how wars are brought about, and a determination on their part to put a stop to them." America will never contribute effectively to the cause of world peace until it sets about to examine critically the underlying causes of modern war. Such an examination can be made only when the purposes and needs of each nation, including Germany, are approached in a friendly spirit. I belong, I think, to that class of Americans whose voice so far has been little heard. For I am one of those whose sympathy with Germany rests on rational rather than on emotional grounds. This is a presumptuous claim, perhaps, but one I can make fairly. I have no German blood-and incidentally, no Irish. I have never been in Germany, and I have no ties with the Fatherland. I am an American who has been here, so to speak, for a long time,-since about 1690. As I view them, these considerations are not important. We are all Americans together, each equally entitled to his opinion. But there are so many haughty patriots haranguing the country who seek to monopolize "truly American" spokesmanship, that I must declare my right to speak as an American, unhyphenated. The four main chapters of the book are reprinted from The Open Court for November and December, 1915, and for January and April, 1916. The introductory chapter, "The Myth of a Demon Enemy," is reprinted from the New York Times of July 11, 1915, and is reproduced here because it expresses in succinct form the spirit in which the whole is conceived. Three of the chief chapters are put in the form of open letters to Germany, England and France, the three great nations involved that may be said to be representative of Western civilization. The final chapter treats directly of America. In reality, however, the entire book is written to and for Americans,—and quite as much for those whose sympathies are proAlly as those whose sympathies are with the Central Powers. Some portions of the discussion deal with aspects of opinion and governmental action pertinent at the time of writing, but the bulk of it treats of the more fundamental reactions of America to the world war. I have tried not to be betrayed by heat of controversy into censorious language. I take it this is not a time for Americans to indulge in venomous accusations, however bad tempers may be in Europe. For after all, half the world is bleeding to death and the heart of humanity is breaking. When one stops to think of this war, not in abstractions, but in particulars-what it means in individual human values, he puts aside rancor, even though (as he thinks) he combats untruth. R. H. Ithaca, N. Y. |