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the yoke of British oppression, because they were subjected to foreign power; laws were imposed upon them, to which they had never in any manner assented; the crown claimed the right " to bind them in all cases whatsoever," without their assent; they had no representation or voice in the British councils; their humble petitions for relief, long continued, were wholly disregarded; no possible remedy therefore remained to them but to throw off the yoke of the oppressor. But to adduce this as a precedent to justify the citizens of a republic in violating the laws which they themselves have enacted, and which they can abolish or modify at pleasure, would discover a most culpable destitution of precision, and a degree of weakness that ought to affected with it never to engage in person the argument of questions so grave and so impor

warn the

tant.

The influence of this doctrine of Mr. Kendall is the more to be dreaded, as coming from the mouth of a high officer of the government, it is calculated to be extensive. The example of modern duelling was set at the French court;* libertinism originated from the same source; their origin gave them extensive influence; they soon became universally prevalent and deep rooted, and will probably remain a lasting curse to the French nation.

Catiline, in his attempt to subvert the Roman government, began by corrupting public sentiment. No government sinks at once from perfect freedom

* It is said to have arisen from a single combat in the reign of Henry II., at which Henry and his court were present.

into absolute despotism. No tyrant seizes in an instant the reins of absolute rule over a free people, nor first exhibits the iron sceptre which is destined to oppress them; but until he is secure in his authority, his voice is loudest in favour of liberty; and as a patriot and philanthropist, his professions distinguish him above all others. The assaults upon a nation's liberty are slow and gradual. Measures are adopted, the result of which are certain, but the tendency of which can be seen by only a few, and that few sometimes interested to favour them. The nation is attacked in its weaker points; at length at some favourable crisis, when some favourite has gained unlimited confidence, and the tendency of measures is disregarded, the great pillars of its defence are removed under some specious pretext, and, like Sampson shorn of his locks, it becomes an easy prey to the enemies of liberty. Sometimes the sentiment is industriously diffused into the public mind, that the laws are not absolutely binding. This sentiment being most acceptable, is greedily adopted, and made applicable to every occasion where a large number of the people shall unite in trampling upon the constituted authorities of the land; insurrections become frequent; anarchy ensues; the people become wearied with disorder and commotion, and gladly shelter themselves under the wings of a despot.

Let it not be supposed that mankind, in the present age, are essentially different in their natures from former times, or that man in America is not the same being, still subject to all the propensities

and passions with man in Europe. Tyrants are as numerous in our beloved country as they were on the eastern continent in former days, but they are now in a measure powerless. It would be foolish indeed to suppose, that this country has not always within its borders, as well as any other country on the globe, political aspirants who are waiting occasion to usurp the reins of authority, and are rejoiced at, and gladly helping forward every measure that shall tend to anarchy. Neither let it be supposed, that a chair of state is more tolerable than a throne, if it be occupied by a TYRANT. It must have been seen that these remarks are intended to show, that we are not perfectly secure against the consequences of sentiments so pernicious as we have lately been accustomed to hear promulgated even from the very threshold of the capitol.

"The constitution and its laws," says Vattel, "are the basis of the public tranquillity, the firmest support of the public authority, and pledges of the liberty of the citizen. But this constitution is a vain phantom, and the best of laws are useless, if they are not religiously observed. The nation ought then to watch very attentively, in order to render them equally respected by those who govern, and by the people destined to obey. To attack the constitution of the state, and to violate its laws, is a CAPITAL CRIME AGAINST SOCIETY, and if those guilty of it are invested with authority, they add to this crime a perfidious abuse of the authority with which they are intrusted. The nation ought constantly to suppress these abuses with the utmost vigour and vi

gilance, as the importance of the case requires. It is very common to see the laws and constitution of the state openly and boldly opposed. IT IS AGAINST

SILENT AND SLOW ATTACKS THAT THE NATION OUGHT TO BE PARTICULARLY ON ITS GUARD."

But as detestable as Mr. Kendall's new sentiments would have been considered a short time before, and as they really are, after they were promulgated from such a source, and were supposed to have gained the approval of higher authority, they found numerous adherents; and as they suited the purposes of many political aspirants, who are sustained by, and whose influence is exerted principally among that class of the community who are not scrupulous in their obedience to the laws, they were soon boldly and openly advocated. No wonder, then, that this sentiment had in a few days spread its ruinous influence from one end of the country to the other, and that those restless spirits, who are restrained by no principle but fear, were let loose, and emboldened to deeds of violence. No wonder, that in a few days the law-breakers in Baltimore greedily adopted the sentiment, that "they owed a higher obligation to society than that they owed to the laws;" and by their lawless depredations soon clothed that beautiful city with mourning, as an evidence that this obligation had been discharged. No wonder, that every day told the tale of similar violence in every part of of our country; of our fellow-citizens tried, condemned, and punished without the colour of law; and that these violations of the constitution of our country, and the most sacred rights of freemen, met

the co-operation and sanction of men of power and influence.

The following narrative is adopted as particularly deserving to be preserved in some durable form, as its correctness has never been questioned to the author's knowledge.

"As my name has obtained an unexpected notoriety, I ask the public attention to my own account of the transactions that have given me celebrity.

"On the first day of last month I left Cincinnatti for the purpose of selling the "Cottage Bible," in order, from the profits of the sale, to raise funds sufficient to enable me to complete my education. The largest portion of my books was sent to Nashville by water. I took several copies of the Bible with me, besides a considerable number of the little work entitled "Six Months in a Convent." In packing them into my trunk and the box of my barouche, a number of pamphlets and papers of different descriptions were used to prevent the books from injury by rubbing, intending to distribute them as suitable opportunities should present. Among them were old religious newspapers, anti-slavery publications, numbers of the Missionary Herald, Sunday-school periodicals, temperance almanacs, &c. &c. At Danville, Ky., where a State Antislavery Society had been organized some months before, and where the subject of emancipation seemed to be discussed without restraint, besides selling several copies of my books, I parted with a large share of my Anti-slavery publications. In