character in this respect, he will carefully observe whether he has avoided the very first appearance of evil; whether he has always been seen in the company of the peaceable and the orderly, and has firmly and manfully refused in any manner to participate in proceedings which are calculated to excite the fury of the mob; and whether he has stood up and boldly and fearlessly condemned every attempt to infringe in the least degree the constitutional or legal rights of his fellows.

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"Birds of a feather flock together," is an old adage, applicable to men as well as to other animals. Whom do the mob follow to the place of violence? to whose voice do they most attentively listen? Mark that man, and if he addresses the populace, consider the tendency of his language and conduct, and not his professions of pacific and honest intentions. See who are associated with him. The mob are wise in this respect and the- ci...------ †. wy always have ola, practised leaders, notable only for their crimes, to instruct and lead them forward, according to the designs of the chief movers: they imbibe the spirit of inflammatory speeches, act accordingly, and know full well that the peaceable professions, which must necessarily accompany them, are to be disregarded. They remember that the speaker has a character to preserve by his false professions. Let the people be as wise as the mob, and they will easily discover who are the chief movers of riots,

III.

ONE other violation of the laws of our country, and of the constitutional rights of our fellow-citizens, will be adverted to: it is, perhaps, more alarming in its features than any which the friends of our system of government have heretofore been called upon to witness, and the more dangerous in its tendency, on account of the characters engaged in it, and the specious disguises under which the most diligent efforts have been employed to justify or extenu

ate it.

Allusion is here had to the forcible breaking up of the State Convention assembled at Utica, October 21st, 1835, the seizure of their papers, and the assaults upon its members, committed upon them after they were dispersed, at their lodgings, and while travelling upon their lawful business upon the pub. lic highway.

With regard to the sentiments of the Convention, the author does not deem it his duty to speak. It is sufficient that they were there lawfully assembled, to deliberate upon a subject in which, as lovers of their country and its constitution, they felt a deep interest. In this respect, it is believed, all but vile slanderers will accede to them honest and laudable intentions, and as pure and patriotic motives, as ac

tuated the immortal Jefferson himself, when he exclaimed, in reference to the evil of slavery-" I * tremble for my country when I remember that God is just, that his justice cannot sleep for ever."

Previous to the call of this Convention, assemblages of the inhabitants of many of the cities in the United States had been had, in which the citizens (in most cases a majority of them, it is presumed) had expressed their decided disapprobation of the sentiments of the abolitionists. The proceedings of many of these assemblages are characterized by a degree of moderation which does great credit to those from whom they emanated. So far every thing was carried on fairly on both sides of the question.

The abolitionists, by the laws of nature, as well as by the constitution of their country, and their oppo nents, had an equal right to talk about slavery, which they both exercised, each expressing their own peculiar sentiments. At length, it was discovered by certain political aspirants, that the manner in which the abolitionists talked on the subject of slavery would not at all subserve their ambitious schemes; so measures must immediately be taken to engross to themselves the liberty of speech on this subject, in order that it might be properly exercised, and the abolitionists deprived of the right to speak any more upon the subject, unless they would speak on their side of the question.

The subject was accordingly taken up by them in good earnest, and discussed in so loud and boisterous a tone that they hoped to smother the voice of the abolitionists altogether. The latter, however,

were "so foolhardy" as to claim the right to think and speak for themselves after all, and moreover many were embracing their sentiments; they were now denounced as misguided zealots, deluded fanatics, and reckless incendiaries, and many who had "eaten bread with them lifted up their heels against them." Nay, they were accused of entertaining schemes hostile to the constitution, and subversive of the long acknowledged rights of the people of the south. So industrious were these bawling politicians, and so extensively were their misrepresentations, and slanders disseminated, that the jealousies of the southern people, who had not taken the trouble to inform themselves in relation to the real sentiments of the abolitionists, but judged from the representations of their adversaries, were, to a considerable degree awakened.

Next comes the protest of the south; then the cry The Union is endangered by the movements of the abolitionists; inflammatory speeches are every where made against them, and as they were not allowed by the agitators to vindicate their characters from reproach, or their sentiments upon the subject of slavery from calumny and falsehood, the very gist of the opposition, being to deprive them of the right to discuss the subject in any shape, it is no wonder that in a little time a high degree of excitement was every where created against them. Though, as no argument had yet been found which could prevail against them, they must be put down at all hazards, "peaceably if possible, forcibly if neces

sary," with regard to them it was "patriotism to disregard the laws."

This doctrine, however, must be cautiously exercised, and until it should become a little more familiar under some plausible pretext. The constitution after all seemed to secure to the abolitionists in common with others, liberty of speech and thus prima facie at least to interpose an obstacle against the use of any means which should deprive them of the use of that liberty.

At last Kendall himself was out done, and amongst the wise and judicial sophists the much looked for discovery was made that there were "PRUDENTIAL RESTRICTIONS" upon this liberty, so far as the abolitionists were concerned, and every obstacle being thus removed, they were condemned to everlasting silence. Nothing now remained but to enforce these "Restrictions." Previous to the call of the State Convention referred to, a meeting of the citizens of Utica was holden at the court room, in which their decided opposition to the sentiments of the abolitionists was expressed. This meeting was of course composed of the Anti-Abolitionists which compose a large majority although there was a considerable number of the most respectable citizens who were abolitionists. The resolutions although somewhat denunciatory were in other respects temperate and dignified. And it was exceedingly to be regretted, that the Hon. Samuel Beardsley should have employed the occasion to promulgate sentiments that were calculated to produce the consequences which the citizens of that place were after