On leaving the jail he was seized, forced into a carriage, and conveyed to the Niagara frontier, where, as some of the petitioners alleged, he was murdered on the night of the 14th of September: and all expressed the belief, that the conspiracy extended through several of the western counties, and was the result of a previously concerted plan.

As the courts of a single county were deemed inadequate to the emergency, the interposition of the legislature was asked to procure a full development of the plot. The committee reported a resolution requesting the governor to offer a reward of $5,000 for the discovery of Morgan, if living, and a like sum for the murderer or murderers, if dead; and another for the appointment of a joint committee of the two houses, to visit the counties from which and through which Morgan bad been taken, to inquire into the facts and circumstances connected with the outrage, and to report their proceedings to the next legislature.

In the autumn of 1827, the body of a man was found on the shore of lake Ontario, which, froin the testimony given on the coroner's inquest, the jury unanimously agreed, was the body of William Morgan. Upon a second examination, however, held some time afterward, a jury decided the body to be that of Timothy Monro, who had been upset in a skiff and lost in the mouth of Niagara river in September. His clothing, unseen by his widow and intimate friends since his death, were so minutely described, as to leave no doubt on the minds of the jurors. It was also testified by a physician, that the body, appearing to be only in the first stages of decomposition, could not be that of a person more than a year after drowning.

Bills of indictment were found against several persons who had participated in the abduction; two of whom, in 1829, were convicted and sentenced to imprisonment in the county jail, one for two years and four months, the other for one year and three months. The former was the sheriff of Niagara county, who as a witness on the trial of the latter, testified, that he had been apprised several days previously of the coming of Morgan, and had been requested to prepare a cell for him in the Niagara county jail at Lockport. It was proved that Morgan was taken through Rochester, and along the ridge road to Lewiston, being conveyed, blind-folded in a covered carriage, which was kept closed. From Lewiston he was taken in another carriage to the ferry near fort Niagara. Witness and four others crossed with him into Canada, in the night; their object being to get Morgan away from Miller into the interior of Canada, and place him on a farm. The expected preparation not having been made for his reception, he was brought back to this side of the river, to wait a few days, and was put into the magazine of the fort; since which the witness had not seen him.

The publication of Morgan's book was followed by that of others, claiming to be true revelations of the secrets of masonry; and many free masons seceded from the institution, and confirmed the published statements of its character and ceremonies, as well as the oaths and obligations of its members, some of which were inconsistent with their civil duties. It is not strange, therefore, that, with the suspicion previously existing in the minds of a large portion of the uniņitiated against the order, this outrage upon the person of Morgan, which was believed to be in accordance with the laws of the institution, should soon raise against it a powerful opposition. Those who believed the members held their civil obligations subordinate to their obligations to each other, considered free masons unfit to hold civil offices.

Under the influence of this opinion, strengthened as it had been by the difficulty, in a few cases, of bringing criminals to justice where courts, sheriffs and witnesses were masons, the anti-masons soon began to unite to prevent the election of masons to town and county offices. Probably their object, as yet, contemplated merely the procuring of the nomination of persons not masons, by the existing political parties. A general convention was held at Le Roy, in March, 1828, in which twelve counties were represented. Its object appears to have been to direct the public attention to what was deemed a dangerous institution, and to excite against it a general opposition. It recommended a state convention to be held at Utica in August. The nomination of separate, independent candidates for state officers, was not, it is said, contemplated in calling the state convention. But the Adams party, then calling them. selves “national republicans," in the hope of securing the support of the anti-masons, anticipated the convention of the latter, by calling their convention at an earlier day, and nominating men who were not masons. Smith Thompson, then a justice of the supreme court of the United States, was nominated for governor, and Francis Granger, a favorite of the anti-masons, for lieutenant governor.

Perceiving in this act of the national republicans no manifestation against masonry, the anti-masons did not respond to the nominations ; but at their convention declared it expedient " wholly to disregard the two great political parties, and to nominate anti-masonic candidates for governor and lieutenant governor." Mr. Granger was accordingly nominated for governor, and John Crary for lieutenant governor, both of whom had taken an active part in procuring the aid of the legislature in bringing to justice the Morgan conspirators; the former being a member of the assembly, and the latter a senator.

Mr. Granger, however, declined the nomination, and accepted that of lieutenant governor tendered him by the national republicans, to the

great displeasure of the anti-masons; who supplied the place of his name with that of Solomon Southwick, who, though once a mason, had lately coöperated with the anti-masons in their attempts to overthrow the institution. In the selection of Mr. Southwick, the great body of the antimasons did not concur, he having been nominated by a small convention at Le Roy. With few exceptions, however, they gave him their suppor? at the election.

The election resulted in the choice of Mr. Van Buren, the Jackson candidate for governor, and Enos T. Throop for lieutenant governor. Mr. Van Buren received 136,794 votes; Judge Thompson, 106,444; and Mr. Southwick, 33,345.

From this time, a regular organization as a state anti-masonic party Tay be considered as having existence, embracing in its composition original Clintonians, (Mr. Clinton having united with the friends of Gen. Jackson,) and bucktails, as the party opposed to Mr. Clinton was called. As regarded national politics they had not yet made any declaration; a majority, however, were national republicans and friendly to Mr. Adams. Gen. Jackson being a mason, it was easy to foresee that they would eventually unite with the friends of the former, if with either of the two national parties.

The anti-masons prosecuted their object with such zeal and energy, as soon to place them in advance of the national republicans. They held a state convention in February, 1829; and at the election in November, they obtained majorities in the fourteen western counties, and in the county of Washington; and the senator of the 8th senate district was elected by an unprecedented majority. In February, 1830, another state convention was held in Albany, at which they decided to call a national convention, and a state convention to nominate candidates for governor and lieutenant-governor. At the convention, held at Utica in August, they declared their political principles, which were substantially the same as those of the national republicans. Mr. Granger, having regained their confidence and esteem, was nominated for governor, and Samuel Stevens for lieutenant governor. No nomination was made by the national republican party; and had this party, with entire unanimity, voted for Granger and Stevens, they would probably have been elected. A number sufficient to defeat the anti-masonic candidates, having a stronger attachment to masonry than to their political principles, joined the Jackson party, and gave the election to Mr. Throop, by a majority of 8,481 votes.

The cause of anti-masonry soon extended to other states. It acquired its greatest strength in New York, Vermont, Massachusetts, Pennsyl. vania, and Ohio. In some districts of these states, the anti-masonic

party had obtained the ascendency, and in a considerable number of ther it became the most formidable rival of the dominant party. The sequel of its history will be given in a succeeding chapter.

a

CHAPTER XXXVII.

BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS, AND THE SIX MILITIA MEN. —FUGITIVE SLAVES

AND ABOLITION. -PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.-ANTI-TARIFF PROTESTS.—

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT FUND. -PUBLIC LANDS IN INDIANA.

On the 8th of January, 1928, Mr. Hamilton, of South Carolina, moved instructions to the committee on the library to inquire into the expediency of having an historical picture of the battle of New Orleans painted, and placed in one of the panels of the rotunda, and of engaging Washington Allston to design and finish the work. During the discussion of the resolution, which continued two days, sundry amendments were offered, principally by its opponents, with a view to embarrass its passage. The amendments proposed to add pictures of certain battles of the revolution, and naval battles during the late war with Great Britain. The question was taken at the close of the second day's debate, and decided in the negative : ayes, 98; noes, 103.

The resolution having been intended, as was presumed, for party effect, Mr. Sloane, of Ohio, from the other party, on the 11th of January, 1828, moved a resolution calling on the secretary of war to furnish the house with a copy of the proceedings of a court martial at Mobile, in December, 1814, by which six of the Tennessee militia men had been tried, convicted of insubordination and mutiny, and condemned to be shot; which sentence was carried into effect by order of Gen. Jackson. The resolution, after having been so amended as to embrace a great variety of other papers, letters, &c., relating to the subject, was adopted on the 16th of January; and on the 11th of February, the committee on military affairs, (Mr. Hamilton, chairman,) made a report on the subject, approving the proceedings of the court, and justifying the execution of the militia men. The report and accompanying documents were ordered to be printed, 108 to 69.

This affair of the militia men proved detrimental rather than availing to the administration party. Handbills giving unfavorable representations of the trial and execution of these men, “illustrated" with wood engravings of six coffins, were extensively circulated. But the investigation

successor.

having resulted in the exculpation of Gen. Jackson, the "coffin hand. bills,” as they were called, became rather an effective weapon in the hands of his friends against the inventors.

An attempt was made during Mr. Adams' administration to effect an arrangement with Great Britain for the surrender of fugitive slaves taking refuge in the Canadian provinces. By a resolution of the house of representatives, May 10, 1828, the president was requested to open a negotiation with the British government for this purpose. On the 15th of December, in compliance with a resolution of the 8th, the president transmitted to the house the correspondence between the secretary of state and Mr. Gallatin, our minister at London, and Mr. Barbour, his

The following is an extract from the instructions of Mr. Clay to Mr. Gallatin :

“If it be urged that Great Britain would make, in agreeing to the proposed stipulation, a concession without an equivalent, there being no corresponding class of persons in her North American continental dominions, you will reply:

“1st. That there is a similar class in the British West Indies, and, although the instances are not numerous, some have occurred of their escape, or being brought, contrary to law, into the United States.

“2dly. That Great Britain would probably obtain an advantage over us in the reciprocal restoration of military and maritime deserters, which would compensate any that we might secure over her in the practical operation of an article for the mutual delivery of fugitives from labor.

“3dly. At all events, the disposition to cultivate good neighborhood, which such an article would imply, could not fail to find a compensation in that, or in some other way, in the already immense and still increasing intercourse between the two countries. The states of Virginia and Kentucky are particularly anxious on this subject. The general assembly of the latter has repeatedly invoked the interposition of the government of the United States with Great Britain You will, therefore, press the matter whilst there exists any prospect of your obtaining a satisfactory arrangement of it. Perhaps the British government, whilst they refuse to come under any obligation by treaty, might be willing to give directions to the colonial authorities to afford facilities for the recovery of fugitives from labor; or, if they should not be disposed to disturb such as have heretofore taken refuge in Upper Canada, they might be willing to interdict the entry of any others in future."

These considerations were not deemed sufficiently weighty to induce the English government to make the desired concession.

A petition from the citizens of the District of Columbia, was presented to congress at the session of 1827-28, praying for the prospective