sentatives from Massachusetts. He believed if we took the whole of Oregon, we should have war. He preferred war, with all its miseries, to enduring the supremacy of the slavocratic oligarchy. Texas had been admitted, and its weight must be counterbalanced. But the northern democracy would now find their southern democratic brethren deserting them. Their southern friends in every part of this hall, were imploring whigs and democrats to save them from this dread policy, which strikes a death blow to the value of slave property. A master spirit of the south (Calhoun) had left his retirement, and taken his position in the other end of the capitol, with the avowed purpose of defeating the very policy (territorial extension) which occupied his whole intellect and desires only a year ago.

Mr. G. assured northern democrats that if the measure (giving notice) should be carried out by congress, Mr. Polk would save the south from their apprehensions of war; he would surrender all of Oregon north of the 49th degree, rather than hazard the dangers of a war; and thus the north would be betrayed.

Mr. M’Dowell, of Ohio, hoped not a man who had advocated the annexation of Texas, would now falter in the settlement of the Oregon controversy. Both measures had been avowed by the Baltimore convention, and had equal claims to support. The negotiation was now at an end; and he trusted that not a representative from the Mississippi valley ever would consent that the offer of the 49th degree should be accepted and ratified by the government. In the presence of the house, and of the nation, and before God, the king of nations, he solemnly protested against any more offers to buy a peace. Negotiation ! He would rather cover the soil of Oregon with the corpses of our countrymen, and wet it with their life-blood, than surrender an inch of it to Great Britain, and thereby seal the national disgrace.

Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, was opposed to giving notice. To carry into effect our laws over the whole territory after notice given, it would be necessary forcibly to eject the British from some thirty forts; and war would probably result The giving of the notice would throw upon us the onus of action, and the necessity of maintaining our rights by force. He did not believe Oregon would be gained by war; it would rather be the means of our losing it. The prolongation of the conven. tion would do us no injury. We should gain by time. To put an end to it, would bring us into collision with the Hudson Bay company and Great Britain, He was not afraid of a war with that power; but he was opposed to any war which bore a semblance of a war of conquest.

He did not think the proposed action was demanded by national honor. It was not honor to take fire at negotiation, and jeopard the national peace prosperity, and happiness for shadows.

Besides Mr. Adams and Mr. Giddings, several whigs took an equally decided stand in favor of the resolution of Mr. Ingersoll for terminating the convention of 1827. As evidence of the great weight attached to the juegment and opinions of M:. Adams, it was stated that, immediately after the publication of his speech, “ the apprehensions of a war were renewed; stocks fell instantly; markets were agitated; and the week closed under gloomy forebodings. The assurances of the venerable gentleman, that he apprehended no war, seemed to weigh very little when placed in the scale to balance the tenor of the course he chalked out for the country.” It was believed also that his speech was instrumental in hastening the report of the committee on foreign relations.

The message of the president, and the language of the official paper, produced no small excitement in England. The British press spoke out with spirit for maintaining their claims and the honor of the nation. The mollification, by the Union, of its “whole or none," war or no war" article, the general tone of the American press, and a speech of Daniel Webster at Boston, denouncing the idea of a war with England, served essentially to abate the excitement abroad.

In this country, apprehensions were considerably allayed by the postponement, in the senate, on the 12th of January, of the consideration of the “notice” resolutions, by a vote of 32 to 18, until the 10th of February. Also resolutions by Mr. Allen against the non-interference of European powers with the political affairs of the independent nations of America; or against establishing new colonies upon this continent, were laid upon the table, 28 to 23; the Calhoun senators voting with the whigs.

On the 14th of January, Mr. Crittenden, of the senate, offered resolutions for giving the notice, but with a provision allowing an opportunity for an amicable settlement; and the notice not to be given until after the close of the present session of congress. The resolutions were made the order of the day for the 10th of February.

The house also manifested a disposition to deliberate upon the subject rather leisurely. Numerous resolutions were successively offered, and the debate was continued until the 9th of February, when it was closed by the adoption of resolutions offered by Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, requiring the president to give the twelve months' notice, and permitting the parties to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the controversy. The vote on the resolutions was, ayes 163; noes, 54. Of the 74 whig votes, 37 were for, and 37 against the notice. Of the democrats, 121 voted for, and 16 against. Of the native Amerieans, 5 voted for, and 1 against the notice.

Apprehensions of war were now suddenly revived, by the publica

tion of the correspondence between the two governments relating to the Oregon question, from which it appeared, that two different propositions had been made, on the part of Great Britain, for arbitration, both of which had been rejected. The objection to the first was, that it referred to a friendly power or state merely the partition or equitable division of the territory between the parties; thus assuming that the title of Great Britain to a portion was valid. The second proposition referred the question of the title of either power to the whole territory, subject to the condition, that, if the arbitrator should not deem the title to the whole by either party complete, there should be assigned to each a portion corresponding to the claim of each. This was rejected on the ground that the condition might be construed into an intimation, if not a direct invitation, to the arbitrator to divide the territory between the parties.

On the 10th of February, the debate commenced on the several resolutions which had been made the order of the day. This debate, in which the most able and distinguished senators participated, continued more than two months. The 16th of April had been fixed on for taking the question. As the question of peace or war was considered as depending, in a great measure, on the adoption or rejection of a resolution for giving notice of a termination of the convention of 1827, a deep and pervading interest was felt in the final action of the senate. The gallery and the avenues to it, were pre-occupied by a dense crowd for hours before the meeting of the senate.

The great point of difference between the particular friends of the administration and its opponents on the subject of giving notice, was, that the former wished congress to back up the president with an unqualified resolution requiring the notice to be given ; whereas the latter wished the matter still left open for amicable adjustment, and the responsibility thrown upon the president of choosing or refusing to negotiate; in other words, of determining the question of "peace or war."

Before taking the question, Mr. Crittenden addressed the senate for about two hours, in favor of resolutions in the qualified form, as most likely to preserve peace. He was for leaving with the president the responsibility as well as the power which the constitution reposes in the executive for the management of negotiation. He believed the question would be settled amicably. The president desired the notice to aid him. It had been asked for as a means of peace, and he (Mr. C.) regarded it as such. It would be a disgrace to the age if the question should not be amicably settled. Before God and man, they would be responsible who acted upon the negotiation. Let the president, who had the power in his hands, look to the matter. His would be the responsibility. Let

a

him act as a president of the United States—as a just man. If he plunged the country needlessly into a war, his would be a terrible responsibility.

Mr. Allen then withdrew his own resolution; and, on his motion, the senate took up the resolutions passed by the house. For these Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, then moved as a substitute, the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, somewhat modified, which were adopted in committee of the whole, 30 to 24, and reported to the senate. Mr. Allen denounced the proceedings most severely, and accused the senate of dodging behind the president, and shrinking from responsibility. He pronounced the resolutions tame, timid, as manacling the president, and as producing a division between the two houses, and between them and the president. The president had told them he had done with negotiation, and wished the law making power to take up the subject; but they were leaving all to his discretion. If he (Mr. A.) stood alone, he would vote against the resolution.

Mr. Crittenden rejoined in vindication of the senate, and administered a sharp rebuke to the senator for his imputations. Upon what meat does our Cæsar feed that he has grown so great," thus to lecture senators? The senator does not know the senate; nor does he know himself, the wisest lesson any man can learn.

Mr. Allen replied with vehemence; and the discussion descending to personalities, the vice-president admonished the combatants. The question was then taken on the third reading of the resolutions, and decided in the affirmative; ayes, 40; noes, 14.

It remained for the house to concur in the resolution as amended in the senate. Concurrence was refused; and an agreement was finally effected by a committee of conference. The resolutions as reported by this committee, passed by a vote of 142 to 46. All who voted in the negative are supposed to have been democrats.

To show the difference between the resolutions as finally adopted, and what they were as they first passed the house, the material parts of them are subjoined. The resolution of Mr. Boyd, adopted by the house,

Resolved, That the President of the United States cause notice to be given to the government of Great Britain, that the convention (describing the same) shall be annulled and abrogated twelve months after giving said notice.

“ And be it further enacted, That nothing berein contained is intended to interfere with the right and discretion of the proper authorities of the two contracting parties to renew or pursue negotiations for an amicable settlement of the controversy respecting the Oregon territory."

The resolutions adopted finally, after reciting the general provisions of the conventions of 1818 and 1827, proceed to say:

"With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the 6th of August, 1827, in the mode prescribed in its 2d article, and that the attention of the governments of both countries may be more earnestly directed to the adoption of all proper measures for the speedy and amicable adjustment of the difficulties and disputes in relation to said territory:

“ Resolved, &c., That the president of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give to the British government the notice required by the said second article for the abrogation of the convention of the 6th of August, 1827."

A large portion of the debate on the Oregon question in the senate, during this session, was a discussion of the question of title and boundary. The title of the United States up to the line of 54° 40' was supported by Messrs. Dix, Cass, Dickinson, and others; by the first of these gentlemen very elaborately and ably. Mr. Benton took strong ground against them, contending for 49° as the true and proper line, up to which we had a right, but not beyond. He affirmed “that every American statesman of twenty and forty years ago—Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison in 1807; Mr. Monroe and his cabinet in 1823, offered to divide by 49°, leaving Frazer's river wholly to the British, and that because it belonged to them.” He said “the people had been misled— grossly and widely misled—ignorantly at first, as we were bound to believe ; designedly now, as we painfully see. The fifty-four-forty line, never existed. The treaty proves it; yet its existence is still affirmed, to mislead the uninformed, and to save the misleaders from the mortification of exposure."

[Mr. Benton, it is believed, had once expressed the opinion, that the just claims of the United States extended beyond the 49th degree of north latitude.)

The resolutions authorizing the notice were approved by the president on the 27th of April. The next day the notice was executed, and, without delay, transmitted to Mr. M’Lane, at London, to be delivered in person to Her Majesty Victoria.

In the midst of apprehension and speculation on the question of peace or war, the public suspense was suddenly relieved by the announcement of PEACE! From documents subsequently published, it appeared, that, on the 6th of June, a conference took place between Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Pakenham, which resulted in a treaty concluded the 15th of June. The proposition, on the part of the British government, for the adjustment of the question, was communicated by the president to the senato for its advice, in advance of his own action upon it. His own opinions, he said, remained as they had been expressed in his last annual message.