protection to American industry, stremendous cheers, rapping, and cries of order, sit down, go on,] opposition to executive patronage, [cheers and hisses.] Mr. Chairman : 14" [Such were now the rapping, the cries of order, and the confusion, as to prevent Mr. Allen from proceeding; and, without being permitted to resume," the president declared him out of order.]

A resolution having been moved declaring the unanimous nomination of Messrs. Taylor and Fillmore, another excitement was produced by a motion to divide the resolution. It having become manifest that unanimity was not to be secured, Mr. Tilden, of Ohio, presented the following resolution, upon the adoption of which, he said, the vote of that state would depend.

“ Resolved, That, while all power is denied to congress under the constitution, to control, or in any way interfere with, the institution of slavery within the several states of this union, it nevertheless has the power, and it is the duty of congress to prohibit the introduction or existence of slavery in any territory now possessed, or which may hereafter be acquired by the United States." This resolution, it was said, created a more angry excitement than any of those previously offered, and was laid on the table. Probably to prevent the introduction of more resolutions, it was agreed that the resolution of concurrence also should be laid upon the table.

As a last desperate movement, Mr. Hilliard, of Alabama, introduced a resolution approving the doctrines of Gen. Taylor's letter to Captain Allison; but this also being opposed, it was withdrawn, and the convention adjourned without passing any resolutions having reference to whig principles, the issues before the country, or of concurrence in the nominations,

The Allison letter here referred to, contained a fuller exposition of his political opinions than any other of his published letters, and appeared to be satisfactory to the great body of the whig party. We subjoin that part of the letter wbich constitutes his platform of principles. Being "not sufficiently familiar with all the minute details of political legislation to pledge his influence to carry out this or defeat that measure," he refrains from committing himself to any particular measures, saying: “One who cannot be trusted without pledges, can not be confided in merely on account of them.” He then proceeds to respond to the inquiries of his correspondent thus :

“ First-I reiterate what I bave often said-I am a whig, but not an ultra whig. If elected I would not be the mere president of a party. I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the govertment untrammeled by party schemes.

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“ Second–The veto power. The power given by the constitution to the executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power; but in my opinion should never be exercised except in cases of clear violation of the constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by congress. Indeed, I have thought that for many years past, the known opinions and wishes of the executive, have exercised undue and injurious influence upon the legislative department of the government; and for this cause I have thought our system was in danger of undergoing a great change from its true theory. The personal opinions of the individual who may happen to occupy the executive chair, ought not to con

trol the action of congress upon questions of domestic policy, nor ought · his objections to be interposed where questions of constitutional power

have been settled by the various departments of government and acquiesced in by the people.

“ Third-Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improve ment of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the executive.

“ Fourth—The Mexican war. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of peace. My life has been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war at all times and under all circumstances as a national calamity, to be avoided if compatible with national honor. The principles of our government as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations, and the embarrassment of other countries by conquest. In the language of the great Washington, "Why should we quit our own to stand on foreign ground ?” In the Mexican war, our national honor has been vindicated, amply vindicated, and in dictating terms of peace we may well afford to be forbearing and even magnanimous to our foes."

The nomination of Gen. Taylor was immediately followed by expressions of dissatisfaction by whigs in all parts of the north ; and a large portion of the party declared their determination not to support the ticket. So extensive was the dissent to the nomination, that, but for the division of their political opponents, there could have been little hope of electing their candidates. Mass meetings were soon called of the disaffected irrespective of party, and resolutions adopted declaring uncompromising hostility to the extension of slave territory; and a long time did not elapse before there appeared to be a prevailing determination to form a new party, based upon the principle of the Wilmot proviso, which purpose was soon carried into effect.

Meetings also of the disaffected of the democratic party were held, at which opposition was declared against the dominees of the Baltimore convention. A state convention of the Barnburners was held at Utica,

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New York, on the 22d and 23d of June, the Hon. Samuel Young, presiding A letter had been previously addressed to Mr. Van Buren on the subject of the presidency, to which he had replied, expressing his adherence to the determination formed in 1844, not to be again a candidate for the presidency. The letter, however, was in favor of free territory principles, and declared that he could not vote for Gen. Cass or Gen. Taylor. The convention, notwithstanding, nominated Mr. Van Buren for president, and Henry Dodge, senator in congress from Wisconsin, for vice-president. The latter declined the nomination, and supported Gen. Cass.

On the 9th of August was held a national mass convention of the friends of free territory at Buffalo. Nearly all of the free, and three of the slave states, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, were represented. After the temporary organization of the convention, its sentiments were indicated by the adoption, by acclamation, of three resolutions which were read by the Hon. Preston King, of New York, and which were in substance as follows: First, That it is the duty of the federal government to abolish slavery wherever it has the constitutional power to do so, and that the government is responsible for its existence in such places. Second, That the states within which slavery exists, are alone responsible for the continuance or existence of it within those states, and that the general government has no authority over slavery within the states. Third, That the true and safe means of preventing the existence of slavery in territory now free, is by congressional action.

Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, was chosen president of the convention; and a vice-president from each of the states. The committee on nominations reported in favor of the nomination of Martin Van Buren for president; and on balloting Mr. Van Buren received 244 votes, and John P. Hale 181. Mr. Hale was senator in congress from New Hampshire, a democrat, who had become separated from his party by his adoption of the “ free soil” principle. He was at this time a candidate for president, having been nominated by the anti-slavery party. Charles Francis Adams was nominated by acclamation for vicepresident. Before the convention proceeded to the balloting, a letter from Mr. Van Buren was read to the convention, approving the objects of preventing the introduction of slavery in the territories, and expressing the wish that another name might be substituted for his own, which had already been used for this purpose. Mr. Hale having expressed his willingness to submit to the action of the convention, his name was subsequently withdrawn from the list of candidates.

The position of Gen. Cass in relation to the Wilmot proviso, was defined in a letter to a Mr. Nicholson of Tennessee. He had been in favor

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of applying that restrictive principle to the territory of the United States; but he had receded from that position. He said in the letter alluded to : " The Wilmo: proviso has been before the country some time. It has been repeatedly discussed in congress, and by the public press.

“I am strongly impressed with the opinion that a change has been going on in the public mind upon this subject--in my own as well as others; and that doubts are resolving themselves into conriction, that the principles it involves should be kept out of the legislatures, and left to the people of the confederacy in their respective local governments.

Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by congress, over this matter; and I am in favor of leaving to the people of any territory which may be hereafter acquired, the right to regulate it for themselves under the general principles of the constitution."

Gen. Taylor was addressed, immediately after his nomination, by the president of the convention, informing him of his nomination, but for reasons unknown, the letter of acceptance was long delayed. He having pertinaciously refused to be considered a party candidate, and having even stated, in some of his letters, that he would as willingly reccive a nomination from the democratic or native American party as from the whigs, the public waited impatiently to learn whether he would accept as a whig. Judging, perhaps, from the representations of the Louisiana delegation in the convention, it was hoped, and some of his friends confidently predicted, that he would so accept the nomination. The letter which at length appeared, under date of July 15th, did not fully ineet the expectations of those who considered it his duty to accept as a whig candidate. He said :

"Looking to the composition of the convention, and its numbers and patriotic constituents, I feel duly grateful for the honor bestowed upon ine, for the distinguished confidence implied in my nomination to the highest office in the gift of the American people. I cordially accept that nomination, but with sincere distrust of my fitness to fulfill the duties of an office which demands for its exercise the most exalted abilities and patriotism, and which has been rendered illustrious by the greatest names in our history."

Besides bis answers to letters from other parties, he had also responded to a letter from a meeting of all parties, or, as it may be termed, a “noparty” meeting at Baltimore by which he had been nominated, in which letter he said:

"The political sentiments embraced in the preamble and resolutions adopted at that meeting, I rejoice to say, meet my cordial approval and assent. No movements in any part of the country, having the object to offer testimonials of honor and respect towards myself, or to advocate my

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election to the presidency, have caused in me more lively pleasure, or demand more my gratitude.” And having made the nomination “on their own responsibility, free from party action, and the exaction of pledges from myself, I shall serve them strictly as a constitutional, and not as a party president."

Gen. Taylor continued, after his nomination, to write letters of the same character as those which he had written before, disclaiming that he was a party candidate. To a friend in Charleston, South Carolina, he wrote, that he had accepted the nomination of the Philadelphia convention and of many primary assemblages, irrespective of party, “and would have accepted the nomination of the Baltimore convention, had it been tendered on the same terms."

At Charleston, he was nominated by a meeting of the democrats, who apprehended that Gen. Cass, being a northern man, was not reliable on the subject of slavery, which the meeting resolved to be "paramount to all questions.” A copy of the proceedings of the meeting was sent him, together with an address, in which it was stated: “We know that, in this great paramount and leading question of the rights of the south, he is of us, he is with us, and he is for us ;" and also a letter formally apprising him of the nomination. He acknowledged the receipt of the letter “with emotions of profound gratitude," and added : “ Concluding that this nomination, like all others which I have had the honor of receiving from assemblages of my fellow-citizens in various parts of the union, has been generously offered, without pledges and conditions, it is thankfully accepted ;" &c.

The appearance of these letters simultaneously with the defective acceptance of the whig nomination, and the additional fact that he had accepted the Charleston nomination, knowing that his name was on the same ticket with that of the democratic candidate for vice-president, thus giving countenance to a part of the democratic ticket; excited among the whigs feelings of chagrin and indignation. At Albany, on the arrival of the news of the general's acceptance of the Charleston democratic elavery nomination, a call was issued for a meeting of the whigs to take the subject into consideration. A large and enthusiastic meeting was held, at which the leading whigs of the city declared their determination to abandon the support of Gen. Taylor. The meeting, which took place on Saturday evening, was adjourned till Monday evening, when, upon more mature consideration, the purpose expressed at the previous meeting was relinquished. The murmurs of dissatisfaction from the mass of the disaffected whigs soon ceased; and before the election, most of the dissenters had returned to their party allegiance.

Of the presidential electors chosen at the election in November, 163 gave their votes for Taylor and Fillmore; and 127 for Cass and Butler.