1722-1803 Samuel Adams was born in Boston, Mass., on September 27, 1722; and died in the same town on October 1803; after seeing the nation which he had largely helped to create take her place securely among the peoples of the earth. In this long life of more than fourscore years he had worked faithfully, thought energetically, and spoken powerfully in the highest cause that could enlist the devotion of a man. For many years before the Revolution was an accomplished fact, Samuel Adams foresaw its approach, and at town meetings and in private assemblies he prophesied and warned. Adams not only believed that England would drive the colonies to rebellion, but he desired that consummation, and wished to do all that in him lay to bring it about, if it failed to come fast enough of itself. He demanded justice from England; but in his heart he was sure that justice would never be accorded save at the point of the sword. He advocated the right of representation under taxation; but he was convinced that the British Parliament would never acknowledge that colonists merited seats in their assembly, but would indorse the suave argument of Lord Mansfield, that already they were as much represented as half the boroughs of England. So, by the logic of his private meditations, he perceived that the only outcome of the situation would be either slavery or independence; and with the whole power of his heart he labored and planned for the latter consummation. The record of Samuel Adams is soon recounted; but how much is told by those few and simple facts! He was educated at Harvard, where he was graduated in 1743. He at first intended to become a clergyman, but entered politics instead, and was elected to the Legislature in 1766. He was one of the pioneers in the preliminary agitations which preceded the Revolution and in a measure precipitated the outbreak; he was a delegate to the first Continental Congress; in the second Congress he was one of the weightiest members; when the Declaration of Independence was written and lay on the table for signatures, he took the pen, and his life in his hand, affixed his name upon the immortal roll. When the ratifying convention was held in Massachusetts, Samuel Adams was there, and his voice gave out no ambiguous sound. And when the long war was over, and the new nation began the work of governing itself, he was chosen, in 1789, LieutenantGovernor, and in 1794, Governor, of his native State. Few of his speeches have come down to us; and possibly we do not lose much in losing the written record of the words he spoke. He was no rhetorician; he cared not even whether grammarians could pick flaws in his sentences. It was enough for him that those sentences meant war, liberty, and independence, and were so understood by his hearers. His personal character stood up in the land like a mighty pillar, compelling homage and awakening courage. What he thought and uttered, bore an influence because it came from him; what were lesser men, that they should question him? He was more active with his pen than with his voice; and his writings passed from hand to hand, and were learned by heart in places where his form was never seen. His speech on American Independence " is one of the many fiery orations that spontaneously burst from his lips in the tumultuous days of King George's oppression. 66 AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE Delivered at the State House, in Philadelphia, August 1, 1776 Co OUNTRYMEN AND BRETHREN: I would gladly have declined an honor, to which I find myself unequal. I have not the calmness and impartiality which the infinite importance of this occasion demands. I will not deny the charge of my enemies, that resentment for the accumulated injuries of our country, and an ardor for her glory, rising to enthusiasm, may deprive me of that accuracy of judgment and expression which men of cooler passions may possess. Let me beseech you, then, to hear me with caution, to examine without prejudice, and to correct the mistakes into which I may be hurried by my zeal. Truth loves an appeal to the common-sense of mankind. Your unperverted understandings can best determine on subjects of a practical nature. The positions and plans which are said to be above the comprehension of the multitude may be always suspected to be visionary and fruitless. He who made all men hath made the truths necessary to human happiness obvious to all. Our forefathers threw off the yoke of popery in religion; for you is reserved the honor of levelling the popery of politics. They opened the Bible to all, and maintained the capacity of every man to judge for himself in religion. Are we sufficient for the comprehension of the sublimest spiritual truths, and unequal to material and temporal ones? Heaven hath trusted us with the management of things for eternity, and man denies us ability to judge of the present, or to know from our feelings the experience that will make us happy. "You can discern," say they, "objects distant and remote, but cannot perceive those within your grasp. Let us have the distribution of present goods, and cut out and manage as you please the interests of futurity." This day, I trust the reign of political protestantism will commence. We have explored the temple of royalty, and found that the idol we have bowed down to, has eyes which see not, ears that hear not our prayers, and a heart like the nether millstone. We have this day restored the Sovereign, to whom alone men ought to be obedient. He reigns in Heaven, and with a propitious eye beholds his subjects assuming that freedom of thought, and dignity of self-direction which He bestowed on them. From the rising to the setting sun, may His kingdom come. Having been a slave to the influence of opinions early acquired, and distinctions generally received, I am ever inclined not to despise but pity those who are yet in darkness. But to the eye of reason what can be more clear, than that all men have an equal right to happiness? Nature made no other distinction than that of higher or lower degrees of power of mind and body. But what mysterious distribution of character has the craft of statesmen, more fatal than priestcraft, introduced? According to their doctrine, the offspring of perhaps the lewd embraces of a successful invader, shall, from generation to generation, arrogate the right of lavishing on their pleasures a proportion of the fruits of the earth, more than sufficient to supply the wants of thousands of their fellow-creatures; claim authority to manage them like beasts of burden, and without superior industry, capacity, or virtue, nay, though disgraceful to humanity by their ignorance, intemperance, and brutality, shall be deemed best calculated to frame laws, and to consult for the welfare of society. Were the talents and virtues, which Heaven has bestowed on men, given merely to make them more obedient drudges, to be sacrificed to the follies and ambition of a few? or, were not the noble gifts so equally dispensed with a divine purpose and law, that they should as nearly as possible be equally exerted, and the blessings of Providence be equally enjoyed by all? Away then, with those absurd systems, which, to gratify the pride of a few, debase the greatest part of our species below the order of men. What an affront to the King of the universe, to maintain that the happiness of a monster, sunk in debauchery and spreading desolation and murder among men, of a Caligula, a Nero, or a Charles, is more precious in his sight than that of millions of his suppliant creatures, who do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with their God! No! in the judgment of Heaven there is no other superiority among men, than a superiority in wisdom and virtue. And can we have a safer model in forming ours? The Diety then has not given any order or family of men authority over others, and if any men have given it, they only could give it for themselves. Our forefathers, 'tis said, consented to be subject to the laws of Great Britain. I will not, at present, dispute it, nor mark out the limits and conditions of their submission; but will it be denied that they contracted to pay obedience, and to be under the control of Great Britain, because it appeared to them most beneficial in their then present circumstances and situations? We, my countrymen, have the same right to consult and provide for our happiness, which they had to promote theirs. If they had a view to posterity in their contracts, it must have been to advance the felicity of their descendants. If they erred in their expectations and prospects, we can never be condemned for a conduct which they would have recommended had they foreseen our present condition. Ye darkeners of counsel, who would make the property, lives, and religion of millions, depend on the evasive interpretations of musty parchments; who would send us to antiquated charters, of uncertain and contradictory meaning, to prove that the present generation are not bound to be victims to cruel and unforgiving despotism, tell us whether our pious and generous ancestors bequeathed to us the miserable privilege of having the rewards of our honest industry, the fruits of those fields which they purchased and bled for, wrested from us at the will of men over whom we have no check? Did they contract for us that, with folded arms, we should expect that justice and mercy from brutal and inflamed invaders which have been denied to our supplications at the foot of the throne? Were we to hear our character as a people ridiculed with indifference? Did they promise for us that our meekness and patience should be insulted; our coasts harassed; our towns demolished and plundered, and our wives and offspring exposed to nakedness, hunger and death, without our feeling the resentment of men, and exerting those powers of self-preservation which God has given us? No man had once a greater veneration for English |