In the midst of these pleasing ideas, we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties-if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the government may be the choice of a party, for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations, by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that, in such cases, choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. In that retirement, which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services—the gratitude of mankind; the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of his country, which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives, a bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors, by both Houses of Congress, and by the voice of the legislatures and the people, throughout the nation. On this subject it might become me better to be silent, or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology, if I venture to say, that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it, until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interests, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, eastern or western position, their various political opinions on essential points, or their personal attachments; if a love of virtuous men, of all parties and denominations; if a love of science and letters, and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life, in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, profligacy, and corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of justice and humanity, in the interior administration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufactures for necessity, convenience, and defence; if a spirit of equity and humanity towards the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to ameliorate their condition, by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by the government, and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress, and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friend ship, which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America, and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause, and remove every colorable pretence, of complaint; if an intention to pursue, by amicable negotiation, a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens, by whatever nation; and if success cannot be obtained, to lay the facts before the legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the government and its constituents demand; if a resolution to do justice, as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all, and never been deceived; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country, and of my own duties towards it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people, deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age; and with humble reverence, I feel it my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people, who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me, in any degree, to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect. With this great example before me-with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest of the same American people, pledged to support the constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy; and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power. And may that Being who is supreme over all, the patron of order, the fountain of justice, and the protector, in all ages of the world, of virtuous liberty, continue his blessing upon this nation and its government, and give it all possible success and duration, consistent with the ends of his providence. PATRICK HENRY 1736-1799 Patrick Henry began life as a failure. He had but meagre opportunities for schooling, and quite failed to make the most of those he had; he was an inveterate truant, and knew more about the haunt of trout, and the best places for game, than he did about Latin grammar or arithmetic. Born in a Virginia county town in 1736, the only life he knew was that of a frontiersman; but he had none of the activity and enterprise of the class. He studied law, however, and was admitted to the bar in 1760. At first his speeches in behalf of his clients were flat failures, but, after a while, he cast off the artificial style that he had attempted to cultivate, and spoke in his own natural, impulsive, convincing way. His success was great and immediate. No jury could withstand him. He invariably won his cases-even the most hopeless ones. Under the stimulus of success, indeed, he became another man. All his latent energies awoke, and he worked as he had never dreamed of working before. It was impossible for him to make up the deficiencies of his early training; but he discovered that this was not essential to his success. He possessed by nature, and unconsciously developed by the life he had led, a knowledge of men, and the power of moving them; he spoke to them in their own language, and set before them their own ideas, but so strengthened and transfigured that, while readily comprehended, they appeared as the revelation of impassioned wisdom and truth. It was not long before his fame caused him to be sent to the Virginia House of Burgesses, just at the time, 1765, when the matter of the Stamp Act was being discussed. The prevalent feeling was that the act should not be resisted; and ways were being sought to arrange a compromise; but Henry startled everybody with his declaration that the act was unconstitutional and void, and should not be submitted to. It was in the excited debate following this declaration that he used the phrase suggesting the assassination of George III, which is quoted in every school history. His views conquered in the end, and his resolution was carried. No destiny was now too high to be predicted for this raw youth of nine-and-twenty; and indeed his genius seemed to expand with each new demand made upon it. He was a leading figure in the early legislatures, and was twice Governor of Virginia. He died at Red Hill, Virginia, in 1799. No man comparable to Henry has been seen in this country; he was close to nature, and drew much of his power from her; but he had in addition a matchless felicity, an intuition and insight, and a power of rising to any required height of passion and inspiration whch rendered men helpless before him. The scene which took place when he opposed the concession of State rights to a consolidated government has often been described, and is almost Miltonic in its features; seldom has man soared so high in imaginative rhetoric as did Henry at that crisis. His speech, delivered on that occasion, is given here under the title "The Federal Constitution." |