CHAPTER XII.

1787.

Causes which led to Convening the Assembly of Notables, in France-Death of the Count de Vergennes-Jefferson to Carrington on Shay's Insurrection-Sketches the Character of Adams, Lafayette, etc., to Madison-Motives of his Journey to South of France-Barbary Affairs-Advises Lafayette to make the English Constitution the Model for France-Sets out on his Journey-Letter to De Tesse advising Moderation in the Assembly of Notables-A Brazilian Envoy-A Letter to his Daughter filled with his Philosophy of Life-The Waters of Aix of no Benefit-Reasons for proceeding to ItalyWrites Martha from Toulon-Letter to Lafayette containing some noble SentencesCrosses the Alps-Reaches Turin-Obtains the principal Object of his Journey-Proceeds to Milan, Pavia, Genoa, and back to Nice-Sums up what he saw, in a Letter to Mr. Wythe-A Memorable Opinion on making the Grape an American Staple of Industry-Commercial Arrangements with Italian Merchants-Writes Martha from Marseilles and the Canal of Languedoc-To Mr. Eppes from Bordeaux-To Martha from NantesHis Yearnings for his Younger Daughter-A Letter to Martha worth the Perusal of all Young Ladies-Some Characteristics of Martha Jefferson-Changes in the French Min istry-Jefferson asks a Modification of Duties on American Imports-His Views on current American Questions-Letter to Hartley, giving the length and breadth of his Democracy-Letters of Advice to future Sons-in-law-Arrival of his Daughter "Polly" (Mary) in England-Mrs. Adams's Description of her-Martha and Mary JeffersonThe Relations which Mr. Jefferson bore to his Daughters-Their Feelings towards and Declarations concerning him-Threatening Indications rife in Europe-Paris in Commotion-A Lull in Affairs-All of Jefferson's Objects attained-His Reflections on the State of Europe-His King-phobia increased-His Views on American Policy-His first View of the new United States Constitution-Parts liked and parts disliked by himUltimately favors its Adoption-All his Objections but one met by the Amendment of 1789-90-Private Correspondence in 1787-Daniel Webster's Anecdote of him—A Federal Ideal of Jefferson-The Blunder of a Conversationalist-How far did Jefferson borrow his Politics, Morals, and Religion from France?-What understood by the Imputation of "French Religion"-Character of French Infidelity-When have we a Right to inquire into Private Religious Beliefs ?-We unquestionably have that Right in Jefferson's case-At what Stage of the Narrative this will be done-A related but essentially different Question-The Religious Issue between the living Jefferson and his Opponents must be earlier discussed.

No diplomatic measures of importance between the French and United States governments marked the opening of 1787. The latter had attained everything, by the order of Bernis, that

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FRENCH POLITICS-NOTABLES CONVENED.

463

could be immediately expected; and the former was beginning to be absorbed painfully in its own affairs.

Mr. Jefferson having described, in his Memoir, the state of public opinion in France down to this point-the numbers, influence, and just aims of the Patriotic party-added :

"Happily for the nation, it happened, at the same moment, that the dissipations of the Queen and court, the abuses of the pension-list, and dilapidations in the administration of every branch of the finances, had exhausted the treasures and credit of the nation, insomuch, that its most necessary functions were paralyzed. To reform these abuses would have overset the Minister; to impose new taxes by the authority of the King, was known to be impossible, from the determined opposition of the Parliament to their enregistry. No resource remained, then, but to appeal to the nation. He advised, therefore, the call of an Assembly of the most distinguished characters of the nation, in the hope, that, by promises of various and valuable improvements in the organization and regimen of the government, they would be induced to authorize new taxes, to control the opposition of the Parliament, and to raise the annual revenue to the level of expenditures."

For the first time, therefore, in more than a century and a half, an Assembly of Notables was called to meet on the 22d of February. It was the Count de Vergennes's peculiar felicity to die at his post (February 13th), before he could have any beyond dim anticipations of what was in store for France. Louis XVI. afterwards vainly believed that the Revolution would not have taken place, had this able minister continued at the helm of affairs.

On the 16th of January, Mr. Jefferson wrote Colonel Edward Carrington, of Virginia, a letter on the text of "Shay's insurrection," which deserves a careful perusal from all who desire a clear and striking exposition of the writer's theories of govern.

ment.

"The tumults in America, I expected would have produced in Europe an unfavorable opinion of our political state. But it has not. On the contrary. the small effect of these tumults, seems to have given more confidence in the firmaess of our governments. The interposition of the people themselves on the side of government, has had a great effect on the opinion here. I am persuaded myself, that the good sense of the people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only censors of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely, would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the people, is to give them full information of their affairs through the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the people The basis of our governments

464

SKETCHES OF PERSONAL CHARACTER.

[CHAP. XII.

being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers, and be capable of reading them. I am convinced that those societies (as the Indians) which live without government, enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness, than those who live under the European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of law, and restrains morals as powerfully as laws ever did anywhere. Among the latter, under pretence of governing, they have divided their nations into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is a true picture of Europe. Cherish, therefore, the spirit of our people, and keep alive their attention. Do not be too severe upon their errors, but reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to the public affairs, you, and I, and Congress, and Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall all become wolves. It seems to be the law of our general nature, in spite of individual exceptions and experience declares that man is the only animal which devours his own kind; for I can apply no milder term to the governments of Europe, and to the general prey of the rich on the poor."

Some new turns of the same thoughts and an extension of them, occur in a letter to a more confidential correspondent, Mr. Madison, January 30th.

The letter contains some plainer sketches of personal character than it is common to find in Mr. Jefferson's writings, and we give three or four of them, preceded by his reasons for speaking so freely:

"As you have now returned into Congress, it will become of importance that you should form a just estimate of certain public characters: on which, therefore, I will give you such notes as my knowledge of them has furnished me with. You will compare them with the materials you are otherwise possessed of, and decide on a view of the whole.

*

"You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my friend Mr. Adams and the Governor were the first who shook that opinion. I afterwards saw proofs, which convicted him of a degree of vanity, and of a blindness to it, of which no germ appeared in Congress. A seven months' intimacy with him here, and as many weeks in London, have given me opportunities of studying him closely. He is vain, irritable, and a bad calculator of the force and probable effect of the motives which govern men. This is all the ill which can possibly be said of him. He is as disinterested as the being who made him: he is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgment, except where knowledge of the world is necessary to form a judgment. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him, if ever you become acquainted with him. He would be, as he was, a great man in Congress.

"The Marquis de Lafayette is a most valuable auxiliary to me. His zeal is unbounded, and his weight with those in power, great. His education having been merely military, commerce was an unknown field to him. But his good sense enabling him to comprehend perfectly whatever is explained to him, his has agency

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been very efficacious. He has a great deal of sound genius, is well remarked by the King, and rising in popularity. He has nothing against him, but the suspicion of republican principles. I think he will one day be of the ministry. His foible is, a canine appetite for popularity and fame; but he will get above this.

"The Count de Vergennes is ill. The possibility of his recovery renders it dangerous for us to express a doubt of it; but he is in danger. He is a great minister in European affairs, but has very imperfect ideas of our institutions, and no confidence in them. His devotion to the principles of pure despotism, renders him unaffectionate to our governments. But his fear of England makes him value us as a make-weight. He is cool, reserved in political conversations, but free and familiar on other subjects, and a very attentive, agreeable person to do business with. It is impossible to have a clearer, better organized head; but age has chilled his heart.

"I learn that Mr. Adams desires to be recalled, and that Smith should be appointed Chargé des Affaires there. It is not for me to decide whether any diplomatic character should be kept at a court, which keeps none with us. You can judge of Smith's abilities by his letters. They are not of the first order, but they are good. For his honesty, he is like our friend Monroe; turn his soul wrong side outwards, and there is not a speck on it. He has one foible, an excessive inflammability of temper, but he feels it when it comes on, and has resolution enough to suppress it, and to remain silent till it passes over."

Mr. Jefferson mentioned in this letter, that he could not make the least use of his fractured wrist except for writing; that he had great anxieties lest he never should recover any considerable use of it; that he should, by the advice of his surgeons, set out in a fortnight for the waters of Aix in Provence; and as in a previous letter to Monroe, he said he should seize the occasion to examine the canal of Languedoc, and "acquire knowledge of that species of navigation which may be useful hereafter," and, more especially, "to make a tour of the ports concerned in commerce with us; to examine, on the spot, the defects of the late regulations respecting our commerce; to learn the further improvements which may be made in it; and, on his return, to get this business finished." He mentioned that he should be absent between two and three months, but should always be where he could be recalled to the capital in ten days, should it become necessary.

Before the close of the preceding year, the American agent dispatched to Morocco had succeeded in forming a treaty with that power, and active negotiations were thenceforth entered upon by Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson to procure the liberation

1 See ante, p. 454.

VOL. 1.--30

" Colonel W. S. Smith, Mr. Adams's son-in-law.

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PROPOSES ENGLISH MODEL FOR FRANCE. [CHAP. XII.

of the American captives in Algiers. Jefferson's correspondence, at this period, is full of this subject; and after resorting to various other unsuccessful steps, the aid of the Mathurins, a body of French priests organized for such benevolent projects, was invoked to promote the undertaking. But no important results followed.

Jefferson was present at the opening of the Assembly of Notables on the 22d of February, and on the 27th, had an audience from M. de Montmorin, the successor of De Vergennes in the Foreign Bureau, whose modesty, simplicity of manners, and good dispositions towards the United States, made a most favorable impression on his mind.

He set out on the 28th, on his journey to the south of France, but before going, addressed this noticeable letter to Lafayette who was a member of the Notables:

"I wish you success in your meeting. I should form better hopes of it, if it were divided into two Houses instead of seven. Keeping the good model of your neighboring country before your eyes, you may get on, step by step, towards a good constitution. Though that model is not perfect, yet, as it would unite more suffrages than any new one which could be proposed, it is better to make that the object. If every advance is to be purchased by filling the royal coffers with gold, it will be gold well employed. The King, who means so well, should be encouraged to repeat these Assemblies. You see how we republicans are apt to preach, when we get on politics. Adieu, my dear friend."

He kept a journal of his progress, which is published in both editions of his works; and the pocket account-book, as usual, supplies many minor details. His route lay up the Seine through Champagne and Burgundy, and thence down the Saône and the Rhone through the Beaujolais, Dauphiné, Orange, and Languedoc to Aix. He travelled in his own carriage and with post horses. Reluctant to withdraw Martha so long from her school, he did not take her with him. The first day, he passed through Mélun and reached Fontainebleau. He paused here a day to have changes made in his carriage; and he inspected that famous palace from whose voluptuous retreats Montespan and Du Barry had lavished those countless treasures, wrung pitilessly from the toiling millions, the want of which was now, in the process of a just retribution, hurrying the ancient monarchy of France to its bloody doom. He reached

Randolph's edition, vol. ii. p. 115; Congress edition, vol. ix. p. 313.