CHAP. XIV.]

TESTIMONY OF THE PRESIDENTS.

593

Federalists that are honest, virtuous, and really attached to our government, and, although they differ in many respects and opinions with the Republicans, still they will risk everything in its defence."

It is not claimed that this array of coinciding testimony and belief (which might be swelled to volumes), impairs any one's right to question the soundness of Jefferson's opinions. Men have the legal right, we suppose, to disbelieve everything, even to the admissions of accused men! But it may at least be hoped that henceforth the impression will not be conveyed, either by direct false statements, or by omissions as false in their object, that Jefferson exhibited eccentricity of views, temper, or conduct, in any particular, in regard to this subject.

VOL. 1.-38

CHAPTER XV.

1790-1791.

Construction of the President's Cabinet-Colonel Hamilton-General Knox-Edmund Randolph-Cabinet politically "balanced"-How far otherwise balanced-Its Mode of doing Business-Washington's Motives in balancing between Parties-Plan worked smoothly for a Time-The Funding Bill-Madison's Course-Consequences of the Funding Bill-The Assumption-How forced through-The Public Loss by it-Jefferson's Letters to France-Views on the French Constitution-Reports and Cabinet OpinionsIllness-Bill to protect Virginia and North Carolina Soldiers-Swindling-Free Commerce a Natural Right-Threatened Rupture between England and Spain-Jefferson's Instructions to our Spanish Minister-To our French Minister-Conduct of Spain towards the United States-Instructions to our English Diplomatic Agent Jefferson's Report to Congress-Uniformity of the Coinage, Weights and Measures-Accompanies President to Rhode Island-Cabinet Questions in regard to Lord Dorchester-Jefferson's Answer-Hamilton's-President concurred with Jefferson-Jefferson visits Home-Nine Letters to his Daughters-Energetic Advice to President on English Affairs-His Advice adopted-Import and Excise Bill-Symptoms of Public Dissatisfaction-Madison's Course and Motives-United States Bank Bill passed-Cabinet Opinions on it-Presi dent's Motives for signing it-Came near vetoing it-Jefferson's Letter to Mason-His Ac count of the Division of Parties-His Opinions of Hamilton and Adams-Sources of Difference between Jefferson and Hamilton-Manners-Interference in Congressional Affairs -Hamilton's present Success-His different Classes of Adherents-The Bank ManiaAdulation-Ames to Hamilton-Hamilton the Dispenser-His Freedom from VenalityJefferson declares him a Monarchist-That he favored a Government "bottomed on Corruption "-What was meant by the Last Charge-" Corruptions of British Constitution"-Character of Hamilton's Mind-His Lack of Originality-Copied his entire System from England-Not a Wise Man in Practice-All his Structures have perishedDefeated his own Ends by Overaction-Could have preserved a Moderately Consolidated Government-Was a Theorist and a Projector-Was an able Executive Man-The Qualities which conspired to produce this-He was earnest and honest in his Principles -Comparative Frequency of such men as Jefferson and Hamilton.

WHEN Mr. Jefferson took his place in President Washington's Cabinet, in March 1790, as Secretary of State, he found the following colleagues already acting in the other departments :Colonel Alexander Hamilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury; General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary of War; Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General.'

These, we hardly need to say, were all the Executive departments then created, except the Postmaster-General's, and he was not then included in the Cabinet.

CHAP. XV.].

THE PRESIDENT'S CABINET.

595

President Washington had taken the oath of office and entered upon his duties April 30th, 1789. In selecting his Cabinet, he evidently aimed at the establishment of a balance between parties, or rather between the holders of those conflicting political theories which had disclosed themselves before and in the federal Convention, and which were ultimately to form the grounds of party divisions.

Colonel Hamilton was a West Indian, having been born in the island of Nevis, in 1757, of parents on the father's side Scotch, and on the mother's French, in descent. The indigence of his family threw him at an early age upon the bounty of maternal relatives. His family biographer (from whom we shall draw all these early details) mentions that he attended a school kept by a Jewess; that his education before leaving the West Indies probably embraced little more than the rudiments of the English and French languages; but that he early became a lover of books, and devoted much time to miscellaneous reading. In 1769, he was placed in the counting-house of a Santa Cruz merchant. He betrayed equal precocity in talents and ambition. During his twelfth year he wrote a youthful friend "that he contemned the grovelling condition of a clerk, or the like". that he "would willingly risk his life, though not his character, to exalt his station "-that "youth excluded him from any hopes of immediate preferiment, nor did he desire it, but he meant to prepare the way for futurity." "He should conclude by saying he wished there was a war!"

1

An article he wrote in a newspaper attracted notice. The governor and some of the principal persons of the island determined that he should be sent to New York to complete his education. He reached that city in 1772, provided with "ample funds" by "his relations." He joined a celebrated grammar school at Elizabethtown, where he remained for a short period' studying intensely, and then entered King's (now Columbia) College, in New York, being "received as a private student, and not attached to any particular class." He, to use his own words, entertained in politics, "strong prejudices on the ministerial side, until he became convinced by the superior force of

Hamilton's Life, by his son, vol. i. p. 5.

We infer from the statements in his biography, less than a year, though all the particulars of his early life are so vaguely given, that it is difficult to settle upon anything with certainty.

596

THE PRESIDENT'S CABINET.

1

[CHAP. XV. the arguments in favor of the colonial claims." This abandonment of loyalism seems to have occurred during, or by reason of, a visit to Boston towards the close of 1773, or in the beginning of 1774, and in his seventeenth year; and he soon signalized it, by making an eloquent address at a popular meeting held to denounce the Boston Port Bill. He then became a frequent newspaper writer on the Whig side, and, soon after, an able and efficient pamphleteer, in which capacity he attracted much notice. In 1775, he joined a volunteer corps of militia, and applied himself to the study of arms. On the 14th of March, 1776, he was made captain of a provincial company of artillery, and took an honorable part in the military affairs of the day, until March, 1777, when he was appointed an aid-decamp, by General Washington, with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. His published correspondence commences immediately after this period, and is marked with the same characteristics of mind which distinguished it through life.'

He was now an advocate of the broadest representative democracy, believing that "from the records of history it would be found that the fluctuations of governments in which the popular principle had borne a considerable sway, had proceeded from its being compounded with other principles, from its being made to operate in an improper channel."

He remained in the military family of the Commander-inChief, serving with credit, until 1781, when a "breach" occurred between them, under circumstances which are detailed in a letter written by Hamilton to General Schuyler, February 18th, 1781; and Hamilton rejecting the overture, made by the General, to an accommodation, declined longer to retain his position.'

Life of Hamilton, vol. i. p. 25.

2 Namely, ability, clearness, and unbounded self esteem. His first letters are addressed to Governeur Morris, Robert Livingston, and — Allison (collectively), and seem to have been in answer to an invitation from those gentlemen to correspond with the New York Convention through them. The way in which he signifies to them that his "sentiments are never to be considered as an echo of those of the General," in his first letter, and in which, in his second, he must beg leave to repeat what he had before observed, that whenever he gave opinions, they were merely his own, and would probably, so far from being a transcript of those of the General, differ widely from them in many respects," are amusing illustrations of self-complacency in a young gentleman of twenty! There was a manifest propriety, certainly, in cautioning his correspondents that General Washington was not to be held in anywise responsible for the views of his Aid; but the repetition of these cautions, and the phraseology of them, furnish characteristic hints.

Hamilton's Works, vol. vi. pp. 581-2.

• For this letter, see Hamilton's Life, vol. i. p. 333; or his Works, vol. i. p. 211. Those who would study carefully the character and temper of Hamilton (and judge bow far the lapse of years affected his estimate of himself), should turn to this letter

CHAP. XV.]

THE PRESIDENT'S CABINET.

597

He subsequently, after considerable difficulty,' received the rank of colonel in the line, and led, by his own request, and with great intrepidity, a corps that carried an outwork of the enemy at Yorktown. At the end of the campaign of 1781, he retired from the army and commenced the study of law in Albany, where his father-in-law, General Philip Schuyler (whose daughter he had married in 1780), resided. His political sentiments, some time before leaving the army, had undergone a second change, and acquired that bias they retained through life; and their new tone was probably fostered by his connection with General Schuyler's family. He was admitted, after a few months' study, to the bar, where he rapidly distinguished himself. He was elected to Congress in 1782, held some other offices, was one of the two delegates from New York in the Annapolis Convention in 1786, and was one of the three delegates of that State in the Convention of 1787, which framed the Constitution. His course and his views in the latter body have been sufficiently described.

General Knox, the Secretary of War, requires less prelimi nary space on the canvas. He was born in Boston in 1750. He was a zealous Whig from the beginning of those difficulties with England which more immediately preceded the Revolution. He commanded an independent artillery company in his native city, and rendered himself so conspicuous that when the artillery corps of the army was increased to three regiments in 1776, he was promoted to the command with the rank of Brigadier-General. He was distinguished by bravery and good conduct on numerous occasions, and after the capture of Yorktown, in 1781,

entire, and to his two succeeding ones to General Washington, dated April 27, 1781, and May 2d, 1781 (see his Life, vol. i. pp. 341, 343). We will quote a couple of para graphs from the letter to Schuyler:

*

I always disliked the office of an aid-de-camp, as having in it a kind of personal dependence. I refused to serve in this capacity with two Major-Generals, at an early period of the war. Infected, however, with the enthusiasm of the times, an idea of the General's character overcame my scruples, and induced me to accept his invitation [italicized in original] to enter into his family. * It has been often with great difficulty I have prevailed upon myself not to renounce it; but while from motives of public utility, I was doing violence to my feelings, I was always determined if there should ever happen a breach between us, never to consent to an accommodation. I was persuaded, that when once that nice barrier, which marked the boundaries of what we owed to each other, should be thrown down, it might be propped again, but could never be restored.

"The General is a very honest man his competitors have slender abilities, and less integrity. His popularity has often been essential to the safety of America, and is still of great importance to it. These considerations have influenced my past conduct respect ing him, and will influence it in future; I think it necessary he should be supported !" The writer of this letter was twenty-four years old!

See his letter to Washington, March 1, 1782.