several days. Mr. Seward was called to preside over its deliberations. He fulfilled the duties of the office with marked ability. Though only twenty-seven years of age, he exhibited a dignity, decision and courtesy which would have done honor to an experienced statesman. He left a singularly favorable impression on the minds of his colleagues, who, with scarcely an exception, have adhered to the political principles of that convention, until the present time. Many of the most prominent men in New York date their interest in politics from the Young Men's State Convention, and have since exerted an influence which led to a decisive change in the policy and relation of parties in the sate. The election of General Jackson to the presidency in 1828 dissolved the National Republican Party in Western New York, with which Mr. Seward, as an ardent supporter of John Quincy Adams, had been identified. Meantime, the anti-masonic party had risen into consequence, and though of local origin, and acting in a limited field, for several years, it formed the only opposition in Western New York to the Albany regency and the Jackson administration. In 1828, this party tendered a nomination ast member of Congress to Mr. Seward, which he declined, on account of the obligation that he felt to support the national republican party. On the overthrow of the latter party, Mr. Seward and his friends, sympathizing with the citizens who were engaged in vindicating the supremacy of the laws, naturally united with the anti-masons, as affording the best position for a successful resistance of the national and state administrations. Among his political associates at that time, were Frederic Whittlesey, Thurlow Weed, Francis Granger, John C. Spencer, Millard Fillmore, and other distinguished public men of the present day.

In 1830, Mr. Seward was nominated by the anti-masonic party as a candidate for the state Senate, from the seventh district, comprising, at that time, the counties of Onondaga, Cayuga, Cortland, Seneca, Ontario, Wayne, and Yates. The nomination was unexpected, but he did not feel at liberty to decline it. Although the district had given a large Jackson majority the preceding year, and the anti-masonic candidate for governor, Francis Granger, was defeated, at the same election, by a majority of 8000, Mr. Seward was elected to the Senate by the handsome majority of 2000 votes. In Cayuga county, where he resided, the democratic party had long enjoyed a decided ascendancy,

but still a majority of the senatorial votes were cast for Mr. Seward.

Mr. Seward took his seat in the state Senate, in January, 1831. This was his first election to civil office. He had always regarded the career of a statesman, as affording scope for the accomplishment of noble deeds in behalf of freedom and humanity. Hence, he cheerfully exchanged the routine of legal practice for the functions of the legislator. He was, probably, the youngest member that ever entered the New York Senate, having not yet completed his twenty-ninth year. In spite of his youth, he soon attained an honorable distinction among his colleagues. With an almost juvenile ardor of temperament, inspired with a generous ambition, cherishing the deepest sentiments of patriotism. and philanthropy, a champion of liberty and popular rights, despising the vulgar arts of hackneyed politicians, and filled with an enthusiastic faith in the ultimate triumph of truth and justice,Mr. Seward came into the Senate of his native state, a new man, fresh from the living masses of the people, and breathed over that body a spirit of vitality and progress, of which the influence remains to the present day. His course at once assumed the character of boldness and originality which it still sustains. It was not shaped in accordance with traditional prescriptions, but following the impulses of an inventive mind, sought to develope new measures of public good, and larger enfranchisements for the people.

The circumstances, however, under which Mr. Seward entered the Senate were adapted to discourage an ingenuous and earnest spirit. The Jackson party were in possession of unlimited sway. Wielding the vast patronage of the federal and state governments, their influence was as extensive as it was pernicious. The Albany regency, knit into a unit by the passion for office and its attending emoluments, ruled the state with an iron rod. With the appointing power, to a great degree, in their hands-controlling the currency, by their connexion with the banks-retaining well-disciplined emissaries in every county and town to carry their plans into effect this central junta had but to touch the springs at Albany, to produce any desired movement in the remotest corner of the state. A large majority of the Legislature were the supple tools of the regency, ready to enact such measures, as might be deemed necessary to maintain the preponderance already secured.

Mr. Seward threw himself fearlessly into the opposition. He soon became its acknowledged leader. Among the debates in which he took a prominent part, were those relating to internal improvements and universal education. He labored strenuously in behalf of the common school system. He urged the abolition of imprisonment for debt, the melioration of prison discipline, and the establishment of a separate penitentiary for female convicts. The construction of the Chenango Canal received his efficient support. He opposed the transfer of the salt duties from the canal fund to the general fund, but voted for their reduction. He sustained the bill for making the stockholders in commercial companies personally liable, but not in manufacturing companies. He opposed increasing the salaries of the higher judicial officers, and introduced important amendments of the law in relation to surrogates. But few bank charters obtained his vote. Gov. Marcy's great loan law* met with his vehement opposition. He made a powerful speech against executive interference with the United States Bank, and against the removal of the deposits;† while he supported Gen. Jackson's measure in regard to southern nullification. Mr. Seward was one of the earliest friends of the New York and Erie Railroad ; lending it his aid in all its vicissitudes, until it was at length brought to a triumphant completion.

Mr. Seward's first parliamentary effort was his speech on the Militia Bill, § delivered on the 7th of Feb., 1831. In this speech, he proposed a thorough revision of the militia system, substituting volunteer uniformed companies for the general performance of military duty. His views were characterized by the far-reaching wisdom, the lively sense of the progressive wants of the age, which have often placed him in advance of his compeers, as an advocate of beneficent reforms. At first, his suggestions failed to command assent; but they awakened discussion; and nearly twenty years afterward were adopted in substance.

In March of the same year, a bill was introduced authorizing an appropriation to collect materials for a Colonial History of New York. It was supported by Mr. Seward, in a brief but earnest speech. He maintained that the official documents, relating to the early history of the state, contained in the archives of several + See Vol. I, p. 14.

* See Vol. I, p. 37.

See Speeches and Addresses in Vol. III, p. 306. § See Vol. I, p. 1.

XXX

ADDRESS OF THE MINORITY OF THE LEGISLATURE

European governments, especially of Great Britain, Holland, and France, should be collected by competent agents and embodied in a Colonial History. His plan was adopted, and subsequently carried into effect during his administration as governor. The result was the publication of four large volumes of the Documentary History of New York, which appeared during the administration of his successors, Governors Fish and Hunt.

The next important speech of Mr. Seward was on the election of mayor of the city of New York. This was delivered on the 23d of April. Under the first constitution the mayors and recorders of cities were chosen by the Council of Appointment at Albany. Under the new constitution of 1821, mayors were chosen by the Common Council, and recorders were appointed by the Governor and Senate. The new charter of New York gave the inayor a veto on the acts of the Common Council. A petition was presented to the Legislature by the citizens for a change in the Constitution, giving the election of mayor directly to the people. This was opposed by the dominant party. They brought in a resolution providing that mayors should be chosen in such manner as the Legislature should direct. Mr. Seward took decided ground in favor of the New York petition. Arguing on the merits of the question, he contended that not only in New York, but in all cities, the mayors should be chosen by the people. This was in accordance with his democratic principles, which have always led him to claim the largest extent of privilege for the people. His views were finally adopted in the legislature of the state.

During the same session he materially aided the bill for the abolition of imprisonment for debt, which at length passed; while the measure was fully completed, as will be seen in the sequel, under his subsequent administration.

At the close of the session Mr. Seward was appointed to draw up the Address to the People of the Minority of the Legislature. In this address+ he reviewed the financial condition of the state, and exposed the mismanagement of the treasury. He showed the radical defects of the safety fund system, which under partisan control gave the government of the state to the Albany regency. This monopoly was overthrown by the whigs, on their accession to power in 1837, and the freedom of banking, under suitable safe-guards, permitted to all citizens. The contro† See Vol. III. p.

*See Vol. I. p. 10.

338.

versy between New York and New Jersey was at that time a source of much excitement. The address exposed the conduct of the Executive, showing that it amounted to virtual nullification.

On the 4th of July, 1831, Mr. Seward delivered an anniversary oration before the citizens of Syracuse. He took for his subject, The Prospects of the United States. In a strain of masculine eloquence, he defended the American people against the charge of national vanity and presumption, and uttered a stirring appeal for the cultivation of public virtue and the spirit of devotion to the Union.

The meeting of the Legislature in 1832 again found Mr. Seward at his post. He entered, with his habitual zeal, upon the great questions which then agitated the public mind. Relying upon the soundness of his principles, he boldly maintained the conflict against a majority so overwhelming, that to a less ardent temperament than his own, opposition would have seemed hopeless.

A resolution was brought into the Senate, at the commencement of the session, against renewing the charter of the United States Bank. Soon after a substitute was proposed, declaring the necessity of a national bank for the collection of the public revenue and the preservation of a sound and uniform currency. On the 31st of January Mr. Seward delivered a speech in support of the proposed substitute. This was his first elaborate effort in the Legislature. Having given a minute history of the Bank of the United States, he discussed the fiscal system of the government, and exposed the fallacy of Gen. Jackson's objections to the renewal of the Bank charter. His line of argument was substantially the same as that pursued by Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster in the United States Senate. His speech produced a marked sensation throughout the country. The question was new and exciting-it took strong hold of public feeling, and great satisfaction was expressed by the opponents of the Federal administration on the appearance of this powerful appeal in its favor. Combined with the discussions on internal improvements and state banks, the speech of Mr. Seward and that of Mr. Maynard on the same subject, had the effect of concentrating the opposition to the Albany regency and Jackson's administration, in an organized system. This was the origin of the

*See Vol. III. p. 200.