In the period of reconstruction that will follow the fighting there will be desperate need for cooperation of all groups in all nations. This united cooperation will be vitally necessary here in our own country. The period of transition after the war is obviously fraught with difficulties and dangers. For no group of American citizens will it be so hazardous as for Jews. The anti-Semite is even now, while we are at war, whispering, printing, spreading, proclaiming his lies and hatred of us. War weariness and the disappointments, delays, and perhaps the dire need of many of our fellow citizens may be fruitful soil for the anti-Semitic agitator. Why should we, by ill-advised Jewish agitation, feed ammunition to the enemy? Why should we propagate philosophies that present the Jew as an alien, utterly different, unassimilable, interested in a future somewhere else than in America? Why should we consciously by our silence connive at, or suffer to continue without opposition, influences that may endanger the last great Jewish community in the world and possibly disarm ourselves of the power to help our brethren in less favored lands, when that help is and will be so desperately needed? The things that are at stake in this world are the things for which our fathers died generation after generation. The mighty battle to free the human spirit was fought silently in the ghettoes of Europe by brave men and women. The struggle has now moved out on the stage of the world. Our Christian and gentile friends did not at first sense the significance of the forces that are loose in the world. They do now. Everything to which we Jews have borne witness throughout the dreary centuries is threatened. The brute has risen to drag us down. At this season we read in the Seder Haggadah: "Not one tyrant alone rose to destroy us but many tyrants in many different lands and ages rose up to destroy us. But the Holy One, blessed be He, redeemed and saved. Let us take heart at this season of our freedom." The rejection of reason and the elevation of a romantic cult of blood and brutality; an extreme nationalism which rides to power upon the back of millions of the enslaved; the denial of human dignity and the rejection of God; the battering down of the foundations of human brotherhood, so arduously built on the bodies of the martyrs that our bodies and spirits might be free; the prophetic vision of peace among the nations, founded on righteousness-all these are gifts of the Jewish genius incorporated in the thinking and feeling of the daughter religion. What is at stake in this struggle are these universal insights of our Torah, of our teaching. Indeed, they are the pillars on which the great JudaeoChristian tradition is built. It is this Torah, this teaching, which has preserved Israel in all the lands of his wandering. This is the reason for our existence. To these truths we still cling, in the deathless hope: kimizion tetse Torah ud'var Adonoi mirushalaim. We know. We have felt. We have said: O, God, we are tired. We are weary. Our strength is failing. It is too much. Our enemies rise up to destroy us! But we may not weary now-now, when the embattled hosts of free men have risen-white and black and brown and yellow; Moslem and Christian and Jew. The road is hard. It may be long, but victory lies ahead. We may keep our differences, but let us unite where we can unite: on a practical and statesmanlike program. Let us have done with parties and politics which becloud the universal issues at stake. There is no reason why American Jews should not be pro-Palestine, but America not Palestine should be the focal point of our interest. Judaism, not Zionism; God, not Palestine should have primacy in our thinking. This has been. It should be. Our world needs the Jewish message. Now is our opportunity to serve it in greater measure than ever before. Let us not underestimate the glorious witness of our past nor the present witness of millions of stricken, driven Jews whose heroism today lends dignity and glory to Jewish life and the deathless truths of Judaism. To your tents, then, O Israel! TO MY FELLOW JEWS Before the grave problems which confront us we should unite. We cannot all think alike—we Jews never did, but we should try to come together on certain basic propositions. The question of Palestine is the center around which most controversy rages. Yet all Jews would like to share in rebuilding the ancient land. This paper represents an effort to reach a practical working basis for Jewish united effort in Palestine. While it is written by one whose opposition to Jewish political nationalism is well known, it is pro-Palestine. It is the affirmative and constructive position of one who loves Palestine and, rejoicing in what has been accomplished there, would like to see Jewish settlement there not only maintained but extended. It will serve also to enlighten those whose only knowledge of the author is based upon current and widespread misrepresentation of his position. It was delivered in the Madison Avenue Temple on the first day of Pesach and is sent forth to a larger audience with the earnest prayer that it may help to bring about that harmony among us which our hearts and the times demand. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Jarman? MORRIS S. LAZARON. Mr. VORYS. I wondered at the name of the author of the first article that the Rabbi referred to. Dr. LAZARON. William Zuckerman, an observor, a European correspondent. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Chiperfield? Mr. CHIPERFIELD. No questions. Mr. ROGERS. I should like to take issue on just one thing. You say this is an inter-Jewish matter and we should not take sides. I disagree with you. I think this is a matter for the American Congress. It is a matter for the country. It is a matter for all people. It has been made a matter of concern to the whole world by reason of the Nazi persecution. The fact that there are Jews who are divided should not influence our decision one way or the other. Nor should we be influenced if all groups belonged to the Zionists or if none belonged to the Zionists. This is a political matter, a military matter, and it has become a grave matter to the future of democracy and the preservation of democracy. As such this Congress should be interested. This is not an inter-Jewish question in any way at all. It is far more important than that in my opinion. Dr. LAZARON. May I take this opportunity to express thanks to you for your undoubted help in this tragic situation, while reserving the right as a rabbi to differ from you. Mr. ROGERS. That is all I have. Chairman BLOOм. Mr. Rogers, have you finished? Mr. ROGERS. Yes. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Jonkman? Mr. JONKMAN. No. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Wright? Mr. WRIGHT. No. Chairman BLOOM. Mrs. Bolton? Mrs. BOLTON. No. Chairman BLOOм. Mr. Wadsworth? Mr. WADSWORTH. No. Chairman BLOOM. Thank you very much, Rabbi. What is the pleasure of the committee? We shall return at 2:30 this afternoon and the witnesses that were called this morning will return at that time. (Thereupon, at 1:30 p. m., a recess was taken until 2:30 p. m., the same day.) of AFTERNOON SESSION The committee reconvened at 2:30 p. m., pursuant to the taking of a recess. Chairman BLOOM. The committee will come to order for further consideration of House Resolutions 418-419. We have before the committee at the present time Representative Bates, of Massachusetts, who desires to make a statement. Proceed, Mr. Bates. STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE J. BATES, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS Mr. BATES. Mr. Chairman, as to this resolution before the committee at least its language is not new to me. For a period of over 20 years the question of the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine has been continually before the legislative bodies of which I have been a member. I well recall back in 1919 as a member of the General Court of Massachusetts when we had a resolution presented to us relative to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and the protection of Jewish rights and liberties in the settlement of the European war. That resolution was overwhelmingly adopted in February of that year. I submit that resolution to the committee so it can be made a matter of record. (The resolution above referred to is as follows:) THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND NINE HUNDRED AND NINETEEN RESOLUTIONS Relative to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and the protection of Jewish rights and liberties in the settlement of the European war. Whereas the future prosperity and peace of the world depend upon a just settlement of the European war whereby every nationality, however small, shall be granted the right to determine its own destiny and the opportunity of living its own life; and Whereas the Government of the United States is recognized as an ardent exponent of the rights of the small nations; therefore, be it Resolved, That, in the opinion of the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the national aspirations and historic claims of the Jewish people with regard to Palestine should be recognized at the peace conference, and that, in accordance with the British Government's declaration of November 2, 1917, there should be established such political, administrative, and economic conditions in Palestine as will assure the development of Palestine into a Jewish commonwealth, and that the American representatives at the peace conference should use their best endeavors to accomplish this object; and be it further Resolved, That, in the opinion of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, express provision should be made at the peace conference for granting to the Jewish people in every land the complete enjoyment of life and liberty, and the opportunities for national development, to the end that justice may be done to that people which, in the long course of history, has suffered more than any other on earth; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted by the Secretary of Commonwealth to the President of the United States. In House of Representatives, adopted, February 13, 1919. A true copy. Attest: ALBERT P. LANGTRY, Secretary of the Commonwealth. Mr. BATES. Subsequent to that time in 1922 while still a member of the legislature of that State other similar resolutions approving the Balfour Declaration were approved by the general court. Also there was a resolution adopted by the general court in May 1939. Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. Chairman, I did not get what it was, a general what? Mr. BATES. A General Court of Massachusetts which is the legislature. Mr. JOHNSON. The legislature you call a general court? Mr. BATES. It is called a general court in Massachusetts. Mr. JOHNSON. Oh, I see. Mr. BATES. And on May 11, 1939, another resolution memorializing relative to the Jewish national home in Palestine was adopted by the General Court of Massachusetts in that year. I offer that resolution for the record. Chairman BLOOM. Without objection the resolutions referred to by Mr. Bates will be made a part of the record. (The resolution above referred to is as follows:) THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND NINE HUNDRED AND THIRTY-NINE RESOLUTIONS MEMORIALIZING CONGRESS RELATIVE TO THE JEWISH NATIONAL HOME IN PALESTINE Whereas recognition has been given by the nations of the world to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and Whereas the United States of America has given its approval to the reestabl shment of the Jewish national home in Palestine as embodied in a resolution adopited by the Congress of the United States known as the Lodge resolution; and Whereas, the General Court of Massachusetts deplores the persecution of peoples in any land based upon racial bigotry and religious intolerance and has on previous occasions expressed its sympathetic interest in the Jewish national aspirations; therefore be it Resolved, That the General Court of Massachusetts expresses its concern in the welfare of the Jewish national home and its admiration of the progress made in Palestine by the efforts of the Jewish pioneers; That it is inspiring to behold an ancient people return to the land of its origin for the purpose of being able to live its own life, to develop their own culture and civilization and to mold its national destiny; and That it views with favor the achievements of the Jewish pioneers in Palestine where opportunities were created for tens of thousands of Jews to return to the land of their fathers as of right and not on sufferance; and be it further Resolved, That the United States of America be and is respectfully solicited to use its good offices for the purpose of safeguarding the integrity of the Balfour Declaration and the interest of the Jewish national home, in accordance with the terms of the Palestine mandate, and to the end that the doors of Palestine may be opened for the purpose of admitting the homeless Jewish victims of racial bigotry and religious intolerance, where they may find the opportunity of rebuilding their broken lives; and be it further Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be forwarded by the secretary of the Commonwealth, to the President of the United States, to the Vice President of the United States, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and to the Representatives in Congress from this Commonwealth. În Senate, adopted, May 1, 1939. IRVING N. HAYDEN, Clerk. In House of Representatives, adopted, in concurrence, May 12, 1939. (STATE SEAL] LAWRENCE R. GROVE, Clerk. A true copy] Attest: F. W. Cook, Secretary of the Commonwealth. Mr. Bates. This thing, as I say, down through many years, has been a pretty live question with some of us who have been continually in public life during that period of time, and the hope and the aspirations of the Jewish people throughout the world have been uppermost in the minds of all people who believe in human rights and the right to live, and of course we are entirely in sympathy with the Jewish people and the plight they find themselves in throughout the world today. And from those thoughts I have been able to pursue and gain some idea showing the results of the migration of Jews to Palestine down through the past 15 or 20 years, and apparently they have done a remarkable job throughout that era. Generally, I am in sympathy, and I believe the feeling of every Member of Congress, is, with the aspirations of the Jews in this respect. I want to simply be recorded in favor of the reaffirmation of the acts of the Congress in 1922 as enunciated in the Fish-Lodge resolution that everything be done that can possibly be done to see to it that the Jews be given the right to go to Palestine and to continue their migration to build up that area and live in peace. That is my position in the matter, Mr. Chairman. Chairman BLOOM. We will now hear from Representative Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr. STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS D'ALESANDRO, Jr., A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MARYLAND Mr. D'ALESANDRO. Mr. Chairman, I favor the Wright-Compton resolution as I have always objected to persecution of any kind, and I feel that our country must take the leadership in this matter and that Palestine must be kept open as a haven to the Jewish people. In 1922 we passed the Balfour Declaration. Great Britain was given the mandate by the League of Nations. It promised the Jewish people a national homeland. Some fifty-odd nations constituted the League. This promise must be kept. The covenant must be respected. The bleeding children of Israel have no place to lay their heads. How can we in America stand by without sounding a mighty protest that will be heard around the world, should the doors of Palestine be closed next April. Several years ago I cabled Neville Chamberlain that England must keep its sacred covenant. The Wright-Compton resolution must be passed, and I urge favorable action by your committee so that the stricken, bleeding, homeless refugees may be saved. There is one country which was designated by the nations of the world after the last World War as the national home for the Jewish people-that country is Palestine, the land of their forefathers. Chairman BLOOM. Rabbi William H. Fineshriber. STATEMENT OF RABBI WILLIAM H. FINESHRIBER, D. D., Chairman BLOOM. Rabbi, you are from Philadelphia, are you not? Chairman BLOOM. You may be seated if you would prefer it. |