Mr. ROGERS. Well, sir, I came in a little late. Was your disagreement with this resolution the word "commonwealth"? If it happened to have been the word "homeland" would you similarly have felt it should not be passed?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. No, I object to the words "Jewish commonwealth." I have no objections to the Palestine commonwealth being formed, but I object to the words "Jewish commonwealth."

Mr. ROGERS. How would you feel about the words "Jewish homeland"?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. It is a very ambiguous term.
Mr. ROGERS. Yes; I know.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. That is the difficulty about it.

For example, you speak of a Jewish homeland. Is not America a Jewish homeland for a great many Jews?

Mr. ROGERS. I understood the words "Jewish homeland" had a religious connotations and had been used in previous documents and that it might be a satisfactory solution to getting the groups together.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I do not know of any document prior to the document of the Balfour Declaration in which the phrase "Jewish homeland" was used. My own feeling about the matter was that was an ambiguous term consciously devised.

Mr. ROGERS. Then you would have the same opposition even if it included the words "Jewish homeland" instead of the word "commonwealth"?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. Even greater oppostion. I prefer the words "Palestine commonwealth" to either "Jewish homeland" or "Jewish commonwealth."

Mr. ROGERS. No more questions.
Chairman BLOOм. Mr. Stearns?
Mr. STEARNS. No questions.
Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Wright?
Mr. WRIGHT. No questions.
Chairman BLOOM. Mrs. Bolton?
Mrs. BOLTON. No questions.

Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Wadsworth? I did not see you, Mr. Jonkman.

Mr. JONKMAN. That is all right. I have no questions.

Mr. WADSWORTH. Rabbi, you have undoubtedly studied the Balfour Declaration, the Mandate, the convention and the background and history of this whole movement?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. Yes.

Mr. WADSWORTH. Can you identify or point out, rather, the use of the term "Jewish commonwealth" has ever been in any of the official documents up to this point?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I do not think so.

The word "commonwealth" was introduced into the famous Biltmore organization meeting of the Zionists organization of America in the Biltmore Hotel in New York, and they used the word "commonwealth" because they were a little afraid of using the word "State" at that time. There had been a good deal of opposition on the part of the Zionists themselves to the use of the words "Jewish State," and they decided to use the word "commonwealth."

Mr. WADSWORTH. I was going to ask the difference.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. Personally, I have never seen any difference.

Mr. WADSWORTH. You referred to its first use at a conference held at the Hotel Biltmore. I meant has it been used in any of the official communications, treaties or declarations?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. Not to my knowledge.
Mr. WADSWORTH. Up to this point?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. Not to my knowledge.

Mr. WADSWORTH. Am I far wrong in saying if it was included in this resolution it is the first time used by a governmental body? Dr. FINESHRIBER. The phrase "Jewish commonwealth"?

Mr. WADSWORTH. That is right.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I think so.

Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Wadsworth, the phrase was used by Lloyd George in his testimony before the Royal Commission. Of course, that is not an official declaration.

Mr. WADSWORTH. Of course, I would like to see the context as to that.

Mr. WRIGHT. Here it is. You might want to read it.
Dr. FINESHRIBER. To my mind they are synonymous.

Mr. WADSWORTH. Mr. Lloyd George, giving evidence before the Royal Commission, said:

The idea was, and this was that a Jewish state was not to be set up immediately by the peace treaty, without reference to the wishes of the majority of the inhabitants. On the other hand, it was contemplated that, when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine, if the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunity afforded them by the idea of a national home and had become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a Jewish commonwealth.

Mr. WRIGHT. May I also refer on page 89 to what President Wilson stated on March 3, 1919? I have it underlined.

Mr. WADSWORTH. With that suggestion of Mr. Lloyd George you are not in agreement?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. As to what?

Mr. WADSWORTH. I mean what I have just read to you?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. What was the particular point? I do not remember.

Mr. WADSWORTH. On the other hand, it was contemplated

I suppose he is referring to the Balfour Declaration—

that, when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine, if the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunity afforded them by the idea of a national home and had become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a Jewish commonwealth.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I am not in agreement with that point of view. Mr. WADSWORTH. Why?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I am not in favor of a Jewish commonwealth at any time. I am in favor, however, if I may express msyelf, Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen

Chairman BLOOM (interposing). Yes, please do. The floor is

yours.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. May I? I am in favor of free immigration of Jews into Palestine. I, personally, am not concerned as to whether they have a majority or not. And the reason I think so is because I have a rather radical suggestion to make in reference to the solution of this problem.

May I be permitted to state it?

Chairman BLOOм. Please do.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I am convinced that the position of the Zionists of the world will not change. I am equally convinced that the position of the Arabs in opposition to a Jewish state or commonwealth will not change. One of the reasons why I agree also the reconstitution of the Jewish commonwealth is not wise is because I fear the effect upon the Jewish people in Palestine to say nothing of the repercussion against the rest of the Jews in the rest of the world. I anticipate bloodshed and destruction of much of the things worth while that have been achieved. They, I think, are in inevitable conflict, and so I have been thinking for sometime as to how we can manage to get away from this dilemma.

My suggestion, as I say, is radical and it may be thoroughly impractical. Why not constitute all of Palestine into a Holy Land which neither the Jews nor the Arabs shall dominate politically? After all Palestine is a Holy Land to Jews, Christians, and Moslems. It is one of the great historic places of the world. We have set aside historic places of that kind not dominated by any particular group, religious or political. The District of Columbia is a place set aside in which inhabitants have no vote. It is controlled politically by, I believe, a commission of Congress.

The Vatican is another place set aside by Italy with, I believe, the tacit accord of the rest of the world into a holy place. Why cannot we do that with Palestine and thereby avoid the horrible destruction and pain and suffering I am afraid will come inevitably if we allow either of those groups to dominate? Then as many Jews as possible may come into the land to develop it. Then the Jews will develop their talents to the greatest possible extent. After all a political domination will be of no avail to them and they may emphasize their religious and spiritual powers.

In my interpretation of Jewish history I find Jews have been great in that and in that alone. We have had men of great talent who have made amazing contributions to all forms of civilized life, but it has never been unique. In the realm of philosophy we have had a great number of philosophers, but it cannot be said we are a people that develop philosophies. There are many non-Jewish philosophers greater than we have produced. We have a great many Jewish scientists that have done much for the world. It cannot be said our greatest scientists are Jews. Our talents are spiritual things. That is what we have done.

Take the literature of Judaism throughout the ages and there are thousands upon thousands of volumes written by Jews, not only the Bible, but the great Talmud, and the Babylonian Talmud is the one they follow, and not the Palestinian as to their great code of laws. The tremendous bulk of Jewish literature has been religious. That leads me to the conclusion that our talents are in this specific channel.

I say to you even if we constitute a Jewish state there it will be a little state. Do you think that will save the Jews of Palestine and of the world from pain and suffering simply because there is a little state there? Zionists say by that means we create dignity and give the Jews self-respect.

If by any mischance-God forbid there should be a kind of pogrom in America or anywhere in the world do you think that the appeal or protest of the Jewish ambassador is going to make the slightest

difference? Do you think the chancelors of Europe will tremble when the little Jewish state in Palestine will threaten?

And that is why I say, ladies and gentlemen, it would be wise if we can devise a plan whereby this terrible threat of political domination could be removed from the scene. And that is why I suggest, which may be fantastic, let the land of Israel be Holy Land to all the world. Let refugees of all kinds and faiths go there and let political matters be vested in the United Nations of the world.

And let us not forget in our great emphasis upon Palestine even at its best or its highest it can contain only a few Jews. Dr. Weizmann prays for 2,000,000 to occupy Palestine. There are still 14,000,000 left. Should we not give some consideration to the possible chance for the Jews' status elsewhere in the world? I wish it were possible to have a united Jewish world. It might have been possible a little while ago, but some men decided against it. To me that is tragedy.

Chairman BLOOM. Thank you very much.

Mr. CHIPERFIELD. What do you mean by that last statement?

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I mean this: There was called into being an organization called the American Jewish Conference. It should have been a real representative gathering of all kinds of Jews no matter what their political views or their religious views may be. It did not so eventuate. The Zionist Organization of America, which is a very powerful organization, dominated the scene, and among them some men had the power to insist upon the adoption of that one platform; namely, to reconstitute a Jewish state in Palestine. If that would have been omitted all the Jews in America would have been united. There would have been no opposition whatever. We missed that opportunity. I consider that one of the great tragedies of history. Chairman BLOOM. Are there any further questions?

Is it the wish of the committee to go down and answer the roll call and then come back?

(Discussion off the record, after which the following occurred:) Chairman BLOOM. We will recess for 10 or 15 minutes.

Thank you very much, Rabbi.

Dr. FINESHRIBER. I appreciate the courtesy, Mr. Chairman. (The committee then recessed because of a vote on the floor of the House.)

AFTER RECESS

Chairman BLOOм. The committee will resume its discussion of H. R. 418 and 419.

Before calling the next witness, we have Members of Congress here who would like to be heard.

Mr. Marcantonio, Representative from New York, the floor is yours, sir.

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE VITO MARCANTONIO, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. MARCANTONIO. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I would like to state for the record that I wholeheartedly recommend the adoption of this resolution and do hope that the committee will act on it speedily. I deem that this is a most realistic approach to

this whole problem. There is no question of imperialism involved; there is no question of trampling upon the rights of any other people at all. The problem can be worked out amicably between existing people in that territory if the leading nations of the world take a hand in it, cooperate in it, support it.

I am confident there will be the minimum of friction if the leading nations of the world go into this thing with a full desire to bring about the solution as set forth in the House Resolutions 418 and 419, and I hope the committee will act upon them as speedily as possible. Chairman BLOOM. Mr. Klein, do you wish to make a statement? Mr. ARTHUR G. KLEIN (Member of Congress from New York). No. I have made my position clear.

Chairman BLOOM. Are there any other Members of the House here, who wish to be heard? (None.)

For the record, in case we adjourn before he gets here, I would like to mention the fact that Representative Sabath, of Illinois, wishes to be recorded as in favor of the resolution also.

Mr. Herman Schulman is next. Mr. Schulman, would you kindly give your name, address, and whom you represent?

STATEMENT OF HERMAN SHULMAN, MEMBER, EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, AMERICAN ZIONIST EMERGENCY COUNCIL, STAMFORD, CONN.

Mr. SHULMAN. My full name is Herman Shulman. I am from Stamford, Conn. I am a member of the executive committee of the American Zionist Emergency Council; also a member of the interim and administrative committees of the American Jewish Conference. I come here on my own behalf to present some views concerning the proposed resolutions and to speak in support of House Resolutions 418 and 419. I had intended, Mr. Chairman, to devote the few minutes allotted to me to a brief discussion of two aspects of the resolution before the committee; (1) what is meant by a "free and democratic Jewish commonwealth," and (2) why the two parts of the resolution are inseparable, each part being definitely dependent upon the other. As a result of the pertinent question asked by Representative Wadsworth, Mr. Neumann did answer the first question; namely, What do we mean by a "free and democratic Jewish commonwealth"? I therefore shall not take up your time to discuss that issue, except to say that I identify myself completely with the definition which he has already given you.

Now with respect to the second question, the resolution asks that the doors of Palestine shall be open for free entry of Jews into that country, and that there shall be full opportunity for colonization, so that the Jewish people may ultimately reconstitute Palestine as a free and democratic Jewish commonwealth.

Now, ladies and gentlemen of the committee, what in my humble judgment is asked for is a reaffirmation of an established policy. What is asked for is the full and speedy implementation of the underlying intent and purpose of the Balfour Declaration and the mandate. What was the original intent and purpose of the Balfour Declaration at the time when it was issued?

Fortunately I have before me the report of the Palestine Royal Commission of July 1937, the commission which was headed by the