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individual acts of Government representatives. What will be the future of Palestine is being determined right now, just as the future of the Arab states in the vicinity is being agreed to.
These relations are being fixed. They are being determined by the discussion which is being held in the capital of the United States at the present time with regard to the oil of Arabia. Do you suppose that the question of the oil of Arabia, when determined, is not going to affect Jewish rights in Palestine in one form or another? Is it not important that this committee at this time give the executive department the information that it represents through its representative capacity, so that the Government of the United States may know what is public opinion with regard to this matter? Does public opinion stand by 1922, or is it also involved in the mixture called the oil of Arabia, and in the mixture called secret sessions at Cairo; in different propositions that are being made about an Arab federation, which may pop up some morning as an established federation, which will reflect itself in what Palestine is to become? Is it not important that this committee advise the executive department with regard to this matter?
This resolution reaffirms a position which was taken in 1922 and which remains valid so far as the American people are concerned also in 1944.
In the light of the developments of the past 22 years, the resolution submitted is clear and less equivocal. The equivocations of the mandate have become so confusing that not even the English Government and its officials are in a position to understand exactly where they are going, and it is important that we express a view with regard to that situation through the advices that may be given from the House to the executive department.
When this resolution is adopted, it will reflect the compassion of the vast majority of American citizens and of their elected representatives for the millions of Jews, victims of Hitler's barbarism. It will indicate American sympathy with the just claims of the Jewish people for the fulfillment of promises made and internationally accepted in 1917.
At the end of the First World War, the grand mood of justice and peace and democracy captured the spirit of the Allied states. They sought to materialize the hopes of many peoples in Europe. They did the best that they could under the circumstances. The hopes and aspirations of the Jewish people were given form and substance in the Balfour Declaration. They were given practical significance in the decisions that established the mandate. An ancient wrong was to be righted, a sanctuary was to be created. The homelessness of the Jewish people was to come to an end. They were not thinking then of Zionism as lawyers; but as men imbued with an ideal of justice. They were not afraid to speak of reconstituting the Jewish Commonwealth, of the return of the Jewish people to Zion.
But the mood passed in stages from one retreat to another. The field of operations was restricted, becoming smaller from year to year. The retreat came to its climax in 1939, when the MacDonald White Paper cut away the foundations upon which the covenant for the Jewish National Home rested.
I was in London at that time, at the so-called Arab-Jewish Conference, which was not an Arab-Jewish Conference at all. The Arabs
met in one corner one day and we met in another corner the next day, and the intermediary between us was Malcolm MacDonald, who finally, in desperation, gave up his attempts and said he would do it himself, and he drew up the MacDonald White Paper at a time when England was in the greatest confusion, England was at that time considering how to protect iteslf by concession and appeasement, for it was not in a position to defend its imperial interests. They were considering, "How can we preserve some parts of our empire?" And in desperation they forced this White Paper through Parliament.
There was a tremendous number of Members of the House who were opposed to the policy. Mr. Churchill delivered an address that touched the conscience of every Member of Parliament, because he personally was responsible for the Balfour Declaration, and he had something to do with the making of the mandate, and he was a party to everything that related to the building of the Jewish National Home. He thought the White Paper represented moral bankruptcy.
They passed it through. And they attempted to implement it. They attempted to implement this policy at a time when the Jewish people were scurrying to all corners of Europe seeking a haven of refuge, and finding few. And they implemented the White Paper strictly as to immigration, as to land purchase, and they were considering how to build up the Arab state right in the midst of the confusion of the war. And they are doing so to this day, in spite of the fact that Mr. Churchill represents an opinion which is quite contrary to the opinion of the Palestine administration.
It therefore becomes necessary for the American Congress, functioning in a time of war, when it is important that the executive branch of the Government should be informed as to what the state of public opinion may be, when we are fighting together with England, to express its views on this important matter. This is not a time of peace. England is our ally. We are fighting together with them, and our interests are common, and we are not approaching strangers with strange requests. It has comething to do with a matter in which the American Government, in the time of the first war, joined with England in a common cause.
We have a right to intervene at this time, when we are fighting especially together with England for the preservation of the principles of democracy and for the integrity of international law and international covenants.
It is important that this resolution be adopted as an indication that the just principles adopted in 1922 remain valid in 1944.
Mr. ROGERS. Just to say that it was a brilliant explanation of some of the points wbich have been brought out.
I have no questions.
Chairman Bloom. Mr. Lipsky, we appreciate your coming back after so many years.
Mr. LIPSKY. I am glad I am still here.
Chairman BLOOM. I want to say for the benefit of the members, if you would like to read the proceedings of 1922, the clerk has the hearings here of that time. They are here for you to read. Mr. Lipsky, we thank you very, very much.
We thank all witnesses who appeared here today for being so patient and waiting until this hour. The Chair wishes to state that up to the present time, the time today has been divided, 24 hours for the proponents,and 3 hours and 10 minutes for the opponents, and in making that statement just wants to have it as a matter of record that the committee has been very patient to hear both sides of this question, and has tried to give everyone a fair hearing.
Thank you very, very much.
(Whereupon, at 5:20 p. m., the hearing was adjourned, to reconvene upon the call of the chairman.)
(The following letters and statements were submitted for the information of the committee:)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D. C., February 22, 1944. Hon. Sou Bloom, Chairman, and Members of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of
Representatives: As Representative At Large from the State of New York, and also as a member of the American Committee For Palestine, I wish to urge the members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee to report favorably Resolution 418, introduced by Representative Compton, of Connecticut, and Resolution 419, introduced by Representative Wright, of Pennsylvania. At a time when millions are being persecuted and slaughtered because of their religious, racial, or nationality background, all Americans are interested in doing everything possible to prevent such persecution and slaughter.
The Balfour Declaration of 1917, which had the effect of establishing Palestine as a Jewish homeland, and under the terms of which Jewish immigration was not limited, was, as a matter of record, endorsed by the 67th Congress in 1922. As & matter of simple justice and much-needed humanitarianism it would seem that the so-called British White Paper of 1939 should be repealed. To close Palestine 80 far as Jewish immigration subsequent to March 31, 1944, is concerned, would be to refuse a place of refuge to many persecuted Jews.
It is part of our priceless heritage as Americans to oppose any and all discrimination or persecution based on race, religion, or nationality. _By reporting favorably as to Resolutions No. 418 and No. 419, the distinguished Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives will, in my opinion, express the vehement sentiment of the many patriotic American Jews who reside in the Empire State, and who have written hundreds of letters urging such action.
WINIFRED C. SCANLEY, M, C.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D. C., February 24, 1944. Hon. Sol BLOOM,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C. MY DEAR REPRESENTATIVE Bloom: I am writing to say that I am favorable to the passage of Resolution 418 or 419, as I understand they are practically identical. Respectfully yours,
E. G. ROHRBOUGH.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D. C., February 25, 1944. Hon. SoL BLOOM, M. C.,
Foreign Affairs Committee. MY DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: I am very strong for H. R. 418 and 419. When it is reported to the House I shall do everything I can for its adoption. Very sincerely yours,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D. C., February 25, 1944. Hon. SOL BLOOM, Chairman, House Foreign Affairs Committee,
House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. DEAR MR. Bloom: I strongly urge that your great Committee report favorably a resolution containing the purpose and intent of H. R. 418 and 419.
I believe that the cause of Democracy throughout the world will be greatly benefited by the reopening of Palestine to immigration and land settlement of the Jewish people, as provided for in the Balfour Declaration issued on November 2, 1917, and the Mandate for Palestine accorded to Great Britain in 1922 with the consent of the 51 member nations of the League of Nations and with the unanimous approval of the Congress of the United States.
As the fulfillment of the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate for Palestine have been nullified by the Palestine White Paper of May 1939, issued by the British Government, I believe the prestige of our own great Democracy should be utilized to call to the attention of the present British Government that we consider the said British White Paper a "breach and a repudiation of the Balfour Declaration” as declared by their own Prime Minister, Winston Churchill.
Unless the purpose and intent of the Balfour Declaration is reestablished very soon, it will in effect sentence thousands of Jewish people who are refugees to annihilation. In the name of humanity, we should do all in our power to see that the gates of Palestine are opened to these unfortunate people. Sincerely yours,
Cher HOLIFIELD, Member of Congress, Nineteenth District, California.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D. C., February 29, 1944. Hon. SOL BLOOM, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: In further reference to my letter of February 10, and your reply of February 12, I am herewith submitting a statement on House Resolution 418 and House Resolution 419, which I would appreciate very much having incorporated at the proper point in the printed hearings on these Resolutions. Please be kind enough to advise me as to whether or not this consistently can be STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY REPRESENTATIVE WINDER R. HARRIS, OF VIRGINIA,
WINDER R. HARRIS,
FOR THE HEARINGS ON HOUSE RESOLUTION 418 AND HOUSE RESOLUTION 419, "RELATIVE TO THE JEWISH NATIONAL HOME IN PALESTINE"
Mr. Chairman, I bespeak an opportunity to record my strong views in support of pending proposal relative to the Jewish National Home in Palestine.
This is a noble cause in which all persons concerned with human rights and plain, four-square justice should take an active interest. The expression of interest by the United States in the creation of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, as provided in the resolutions before this committee, is made urgently necessary by the fact that the MacDonald White Paper of May 17, 1939, is approaching its effective date, which would mean that after this month, Jewish immigration into Palestine would have to stop, unless Arab consent were obtained, and that the Jewish population in this refuge from the tyrannies of unconscionable dictators and inflamed nationalist majorities would be forced into a permanently restricted minority state.
That would be far cry from the Commonwealth definitely promised in the Balfour Declaration and of which the Jewish people had a right to expect fulfillment.
It may not be possible to attain the full goal—the establishment of the Commonwealth-at this time, but it certainly should be possible to keep open the doors of Palestine to those who need so urgently to find there surcease from persecution and succor. It may be good policy, in the light of the practicalities of international politics, to leave the question of a Commonwealth for determination after victory in the War of Liberty is won. But with all the tortures and suffering the Jewish people are undergoing in Europe today, in view of all the talk the United Nations leaders are indulging in about self-determination, fairness, and justice to all peoples-about minorities and even the citizens of defeated lands—to say, in the midst of the present struggle for freedom, we are going to deny to the homeless Jews the right already given to them to establish a national home-and going still farther and say they cannot even migrate to the refuge which has been set up for them.
The Four Freedoms about which we prate so much would become a hollow mockery and a sham, were we in the United States to take such a stand.
There are a million and a half nationless Jews, according to statistics which I have seen. Where are they going to be absorbed, if not in Palestine? Immigration barriers and economic conditions combine to make it certain that only a few of these pitiable people are going to be taken into other countries. Yet, they cannot possibly remain with any degree of safety in the countries which have shown hearty approval of a policy of extermination.
We hear much about establishing freedom from fear. The homeless Jews never could be free from fear for a single moment, if they were forced to go back and take up their homes among the people who have been taught to hate them. Reinstatement of these refugees on a basis of equality is impossible, under existing deplorable conditions. Palestine is a demonstrate
olonization project. It the rightful place for the nationless Jews to go. We must not let the doors be shut against them.
There is no question about the fact that the White Paper had its birth in that shameful period of appeasement which merely fed the warlike appetites of ruthless aggressors. It was promulgated in the same spirit of timidity that produced the destruction of Czechoslovakia. The Arab uprising undoubtedly was fomented by Germany and Italy. We then could see that the Near East was going to be an important area in the war. Great Britain might have had on its hands more than it could handle if the Arab terrorists were not appeased and succeeded in stirring up anti-British sentiment, and attempted to throw the country into the hands of the Axis powers.
But the situation is entirely different now. The Arab terrorists can do the Allies no harm militarily. They never have joined in the war, even though Egypt actually was invaded.
In sharp and glorious contrast, little Palestine has contributed generously of its manpower and resources.
The United Nations are amply able to say to the Arabs: "There will be no appeasement this time; justice and right are going to prevail. There is plenty of available and sparsely settled territory for you. An amicable adjustment can and must be worked out that will make possible the establishment of a National Jewish Homeland in Palestine."
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