for the recall of Constantin Dumba, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador to the United States. This was based upon proof of instigation of strikes among workers in American industries.1 In the closing months of the year the recall was demanded of Karl Boy-Ed and Franz von Papen, attachés of the German Embassy, for "improper activities in naval and military matters."

The events of the year had worked a profound change in the attitude of the President not toward participation in the war in Europe but upon the question of defence of American interests. In early October it became publicly known that the President was entirely convinced that the United States must take great strides toward preparation for this defence. He evidenced this most clearly in addressing the Civilian Advisory Board on October 6, 1915. (Statement No. 43.) That he conceived of the possibility of Germany as an active enemy of the United States was now evident. On October 11, 1915, he admitted that after all "neutrality " was a negative word. He no longer asserted that the United States could not pass upon the merits of the controversy in Europe; rather he felt that the United States had assessed the merits, but stood apart to maintain certain principles which were grounded in law and justice. The United States could not enter such a conflict except upon its own terms and for its own purposes. (Statement No. 44.)

On November 4, 1915, the President spoke at great

1 See editorial comment in American Journal of International Law, IX, 935.

length before the Manhattan Club of New York City. (Statement No. 46.) "We are thinking now chiefly of our relations with the rest of the world, not our commermercial relations-about those we have thought and planned always—but about our political relations, our duties as an individual and independent force in the world to ourselves, our neighbors, and the world itself." This is the second indication that the President was willing to contemplate an actual participation by the United States in a readjustment of international relations. His method of approach is familiar to those who have followed the narrative of his previous utterances upon Pan-American affairs. It was clear to him that American principles were well known. "It is not only to be free and prosperous ourselves, but also to be the friend and thoughtful partisan of those who are free or who desire freedom the world over. . . We shall never in any circumstances seek to make an independent people subject to our dominion; because we believe, we passionately believe, in the right of every people to choose their own allegiance and be free of masters altogether.”

The important subject of his address was the question of defence. Here was voiced by the President for the first time the distinct fear of interference with the development of the United States as a nation. Men were asking, said he, "how far we are prepared to maintain ourselves against any interference with our national action or development." Whatever augmented military power was obtained it was to be used for defence, not

only of citizens and territory but of the ideals of the American people. It was to be for "the constant and legitimate uses of times of international peace."

In the period from April to December of 1915 the President had carried to a successful issue his diplomatic controversy with Germany, as far as it related to the principles he was insisting upon. Specific cases were still in controversy, but against Germany as against Great Britain the record of protest was rigidly kept. Each successive utterance of the President revealed an increased emphasis upon the rights of neutrals and the need of international agreement and co-operation. From both groups of belligerents the administration asked an adherence to the rules of international law. Following the record of protest and the insistence that above all exigencies of war were the rights of humanity came the request to the American people that they provide an adequate means for making good the demands of the American government on behalf of all mankind.

CHAPTER V

PREPARATION FOR DEFENCE

Purposes of Preparedness-A New Pan-American Program Remaining Dangers to Neutral Rights - Armed Merchantmen as Auxiliary Cruisers - President's Defence of American Rights New Difficulties in Mexico - Germany's Pledged Word Violated Hostilities Averted but the Problem Unsolved - League of Nations to Enforce Peace as the Solution.

THE Sixty-Fourth Congress, elected in November, 1914, with a Democratic majority but without any mandate respecting the foreign policy of the government, assembled for its first session on December 7, 1915. The President read his third annual message, and proposed officially what he had heretofore suggested unofficially, i.e., a program of immediate preparedness for national defence such as he had outlined in his address to the Manhattan Club. (Statement No. 47.) But true to his primary interest in the ends to be achieved, he felt that it was necessary again to make clear the aims of the United States toward which its augmented military power might be directed. The Great War, which had "altered the whole face of international affairs," had thrust upon the United States problems of more serious import than any since the Civil War.

With the grave possibilities of this fact for the future of his country in mind, the President attempted charac

teristically to connect the program he was about to suggest with the traditional ideals and policy of the United States. Thus he began by pointing out that the Monroe Doctrine had been maintained in its full vigour not merely to protect the United States from the possibilities of interference with its own free development. Its purpose was also to afford the Latin American republics a like freedom. "From the first," he said, "we have made common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side. the sea, and have deemed it as important that our neighbours should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should be; have set America aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen." This conception of the Monroe Doctrine was concretely exemplified by the policy followed in Mexico since 1913.

But the President had a still wider horizon before him. Not only was the United States the friend of free national development in America, and its champion too; it was preparing to be its champion elsewhere. "We resent," he declared," from whatever quarter it may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practise. We do not

confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. We feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in these difficult paths of independence and right."

For its duties in maintaining such ideals as these the United States, in his opinion, could honourably and should