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..James Monroe . 190

The Emancipation of South America. . Henry Clay... 194

Pan-Americanism..

. Robert Lansing 200

IDEAL OF INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION

A League to Enforce Peace.

A. Lawrence Lowell. 207

The Monroe Doctrine and the Program

of the League to Enforce Peace.. George G. Wilson... 224

The Conditions of Peace.... ..Woodrow Wilson ... 233

War for Democracy and Peace Woodrow Wilson... 242

V. FOREIGN OPINION OF THE UNITED STATES

The Sovereignty of the People.. . Alexis de Tocqueville 257

General Tendency of the Laws. .. Alexis de Tocqueville 261

The Activity of the Body Politic..... . Alexis de Tocqueville 267

The German and the American Temper. Kuno Francke..... 273

The “Divine Average”.

.G. Lowes Dickinson 282

The Frame of National Government...James Bryce. 285

Criticism of the Federal System. ..James Bryce.

301

Merits of the Federal System... .James Bryce. 312

The Coöperation of English-Speaking

Peoples ....

.Arthur J. Balfour .. 322

AMERICAN IDEALS

I

LIBERTY AND UNION

OUR FIRST CENTURY 1

GEORGE EDWARD WOODBERRY

It cannot be that men who are the seed
Of Washington should miss fame's true applause;
Franklin did plan us; Marshall gave us laws;
And slow the broad scroll grew a people's creed
Union and Liberty! then at our need,
Time's challenge coming, Lincoln gave it pause,
Upheld the double pillars of the cause,
And dying left them whole - our crowning deed.
Such was the fathering race that made all fast,
Who founded us, and spread from sea to sea
A thousand leagues the zone of liberty,
And built for man this refuge from his past,
Unkinged, unchurched, unsoldiered; shamed were we,

Failing the stature that such sires forecast! i From Poems, 1903. Reprinted through the generous permission of The Macmillan Company.

AMERICAN IDEALS

LIBERTY SPEECH 1

PATRICK HENRY

MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at a truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinion at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a

1 The speech delivered before the Virginia Convention of Delegates, March 23, 1775.

great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British Ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject?

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