ceive accountable beings to be charged, turned from the glorious work before them to consider-nay,

cipline, and government thereof, as by law established."

It is not possible for us to quote at full length the various successive forms of the Coronation Oath; but we have said enough to shew the utter absurdity of the notion vulgarly entertained of it and that too by many erudite persons-that it is a form, composed in some remote age, used in compliance with ancient custom, and designed, in conjunction with various other ceremonies and observances, merely to heighten the solemnity of a coronation. Here Mr Lane is excellent.

tr As a formal investiture of the Crown is not necessary to establish the title of the successor to it, no political importance it is imagined can attach to any part of a ceremony which may be altogether dispensed with. The Oath may indeed throw a religious character around the moral ob. ligation to govern rightly, incidental to the taking of the kingly office; but the terms of it are thought to be no more worthy of notice in the discussion of any constitutional question, than any of the particulars of the

of the splendid ceremonial of which it forms a part.

"We see how little in matters that most vitally concern them, men in general examine either the grounds or the consequences of their opinions. We need not therefore be surprised at the existence of a notion, which testifies much ignorance to be prevalent, of what it becomes every man living under the British Constitution to know. The Roman Catholic question involves unhappily many points, which more strongly force themselves upon the attention, and affect the passions of men; which more effectually touch the springs of hu

man conduct than this. Hence it has not been sufficiently considered under what circumstances the present Coronation Oath originated; by whom it was framed; by what authority it was instituted; how deeply connected is its history with that of the liberties of England; with events the most interesting to us; the most remarkable that the page of history presents!

Sat in the Council House
Early and late, debating to and fro'

a matter beneath the notice of statesmen at any time the composition of an idle form! He affirms that, in that awful hour, upon the due employment of which rested the curity in after-times against the dangers immediate safety of the State, and its sefrom which it had just been rescued, they who repeatedly declared that their whole thoughts were bent, and their whole proceedings designed to secure the Reli gion and Liberties of their country-so belied their professions, so trifled with their sacred charge, as for the first time to employ the Legislative Power in the establishment of what is of no political importance an oath which means no more than the oaths in use before it was established, and above all, which has nothing to do with the consideration of matters, that the lawgivers who framed it declared to be to them objects of the greatest solici tude! Can any rational person, think it probable that this is a correct view of the matter? It must surely bear upon its face demonstrative evidence of its falsity and absurdity to every mind, which long-indulged prejudice, and the misrepresentations of faction, have not rendered ⚫ proof and bulwark against sense!'"'

Mr Lane's object, in his Treatise, is to suggest a mode of interpreting the Coronation Oath, which seems to be the only one consistent with the principles laid down for the investigation of truth in similar cases; and to demonstrate by reference to indisputable authorities, (many of them the same, of course, as those referred high praise of Mr Lane's Treatise, to by Dr Phillpotts, who speaks with although he had not seen it till after the printing of great part of his own Letter,) the nature and extent of the obligation which it imposes upon the sovereign. This object he effects, by establishing the following positions: First, That the intention of the Legislature, in establishing the Coronation Oath at the Revolution, is the criterion by which we are to judge of the nature and extent of that obligaappears, from the public declarations of the several branches of the Legislature at that time, that one principal object they had in view in all their proceedings, was to secure the country in future from the danger of having the Esta

"He that thus treats the Coronation Oath, does in effect affirm that the legislation. Secondly, That it tive proceedings of the Revolution exhibit an instance of unparalleled and unaccountable folly. He affirms, that they whose duty it was to fix upon its base the tottering Constitution of England-they to

whom devolved the care of interests the most important with which we can con

blished Religion undermined or overturned by Roman Catholic influence. Thirdly, That the Legislature, by its acts and proceedings in carrying that object into effect, extended and perma nently established the principle, that it is necessary, to the preservation of the Constitution in Church and State, that the government of this country be in the hands of Protestants exclusively; and, fourthly, That the Coronation Oath was at the same time remodelled and established by law, principally as a means of binding the sovereign to maintain, in the exercise of all his political functions, the same principle of government.

tions of the time, or of the leading individuals engaged in the Revolution, we find that upon this fundamental principle all parties (except, of course, the adherents of James) were united. What are the words of the famous

association," signed at first at Exeter by so many of the nobility and gentry, on the landing of the Prince of Orange, and afterwards by almost all persons of note? That they would "never depart from it, until their religion, their laws, and their liberties, were so far secured to them in a free Parlia ment, that they should be in no danger of falling again under Popery or Slavery." They therefore addressed the Prince of Orange, urging the propriety of calling together a Free Par liament-" as the best means tending to such an establishment, or that their religion, laws, and liberties, might not be in danger of being again subverted." In accordance with these views, many of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, having met in conference,

We shall not attempt to follow this learned and judicious writer through all his reasonings and statements, but ask at once, with him, what were the intentions of the Legislature in esta blishing the Coronation Oath? Why, was not security against Popery the especial object of the Revolution? It is observed by Dr Phillpotts, that one of the favourite paradoxes of this liberal age has been, that the misconstated, in their first declaration, "that duct of James, which led to the Re volution, was caused merely by his impatience of all restraint on the royal prerogative, not properly his religion; that his religion was no more than an instrument employed by him in aid of his designs against the civil liber ties of his subjects-not the dominant principle-which made it at once his duty and his glory to trample on all their liberties, both civil and religious. But the illustrious actors in that great emergence, uniformly in all their proceedings, testified their dread and abhorrence of the religion of James. It was Popery, no less than Slavery, that was the object of their jealous and vigilant hostility. In all the records of the Revolution, this sentiment is expressed over and over again, with unceasing earnestness and anxiety, that there is an intimate union be tween the Protestant religion and the civil freedom of this country, and that upon this union hang the vital interests of the State. We know, says Mr Lane, that all men of the slightest political consideration, of different parties in politics and religion, joined in the transactions of the Revolution. But whether we refer to the acts of the Legislature at large, or of the different branches of it,-to the public declarations of the political associa

they would assist in obtaining such a Parliament, wherein their laws and liberties, and properties, might be secured, and the Church of England in particular, with a due liberty to Protestant Dissenters; and, in general, that the Protestant religion and interest over the whole world might be supported and encouraged;" and this was followed by an address to the same effect from the city of London. And what was the first measure of the Convention Parliament, after having resolved that James had violated his contract with his people, and had abdicated the throne? The memorable Declaration of Rights, of which the whole preamble expresses the convic tion of the framers of it, that there is an inseparable connexion between the national or Protestant religion, and national liberty. "Whereas the late King James the Second, by the assistance of divers evil councillors, judges, and ministers, employed by him, did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant religion, and the laws and liberties of this kingdom," and more to the same effect. From a com parison, then, of this preamble with the history of the reign of this base and bigoted Prince, it will be found that all the illegal proceedings mentioned in it, had immediate relation to his

cipline, and government thereof, as by law established."

1

It is not possible for us to quote at full length the various successive forms of the Coronation Oath; but we have said enough to shew the utter absurdity of the notion vulgarly entertained of it and that too by many erudite persons-that it is a form, composed in some remote age, used in compliance with ancient custom, and designed, in conjunction with various other ceremonies and observances, merely to heighten the solemnity of a coronation. Here Mr Lane is excel lent.

"As a formal investiture of the Crown is not necessary to establish the title of the successor to it, no political importance it is imagined can attach to any part of a ceremony which may be altogether dispensed with. The Oath may indeed throw a religious character around the moral obligation to govern rightly, incidental to the taking of the kingly office; but the terms of it are thought to be no more worthy of notice in the discussion of any constitutional question, than any of the particulars of the

'Pomp and feast

and antique pageantry"

of the splendid ceremonial of which it forms a part.

"We see how little in matters that most vitally concern them, men in general examine either the grounds or the consequences of their opinions. We need not therefore be surprised at the existence of a notion, which testifies much ignorance to be prevalent, of what it becomes every man living under the British Constitution to know. The Roman Catholic question involves unhappily many points, which more strongly force themselves upon the attention, and affect the passions of men; which more effectually touch the springs of hu

ceive accountable beings to be charged, turned from the glorious work before them to consider-nay,

"Sat in the Council House Early and late, debating to and fro'

a matter beneath the notice of statesmen at any time the composition of an idle form! He affirms that, in that awful hour, upon

the due employment of which rested the

immediate safety of the State, and its security in after-times against the dangers from which it had just been rescued,they who repeatedly declared that their whole thoughts were bent, and their whole proceedings designed to secure the Religion and Liberties of their country-so belied their professions, so trifled with their sacred charge, as for the first time to employ the Legislative Power in the establishment of what is of no political importance-an oath which means no more than the oaths in use before it was established, and above all, which has nothing to do with the consideration of matters, that the lawgivers who framed it declared to be to them objects of the greatest solici tude! Can any rational person think it probable that this is a correct view of the matter? It must surely bear upon its face demonstrative evidence of its falsity and absurdity to every mind, which long-indulged prejudice, and the misrepresentations of faction, have not rendered⚫ proof and bulwark against sense !'

Mr Lane's object, in his Treatise, is to suggest a mode of interpreting the Coronation Oath, which seems to be the only one consistent with the principles laid down for the investigation of truth in similar cases; and to demonstrate by reference to indisputable authorities, (many of them the same, of course, as those referred to by Dr Phillpotts, who speaks with high praise of Mr Lane's Treatise, although he had not seen it till after the printing of great part of his own Letter,) the nature and extent of the obligation which it imposes upon the sovereign. This object he effects, by establishing the following positions: First, That the intention of the Legislature, in establishing the Coronation Oath at the Revolution, is the criterion by which we are to judge of the nature and extent of that obligaOath, does in effect affirm that the legislation. Secondly, That it appears, from tive proceedings of the Revolution exhibit an instance of unparalleled and unaccountable folly. He affirms, that they whose duty it was to fix upon its base the tottering Constitution of England-they to whom devolved the care of interests the most important with which we can con

man conduct than this. Hence it has not been sufficiently considered under what circumstances the present Coronation Oath originated; by whom it was framed; by what authority it was instituted; how deeply connected is its history with that of the liberties of England; with events the most interesting to us; the most remarkable that the page of history presents!

"He that thus treats the Coronation

the public declarations of the several branches of the Legislature at that time, that one principal object they had in view in all their proceedings, was to secure the country in future from the danger of having the Esta