A LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS. 15 deputation to convey the address adopted by the conference to such ministers in the United States as, after due consideration, you may consider best suited to further the end in view, namely, to bring the proceedings of the conference and its address before ministers of all Christian denominations throughout the States, without regard to any party distinctions. "I apprehend your first object will be to place yourselves in communication with three or four clergymen and ministers of high standing, who may be regarded as representative men, great care being taken to select such as, by their reputation for moderation, will secure the co-operation of all sects and political parties. "You will then, of course, place all the documents in their hands; and, after frank and friendly conference, leave the initiation of all ulterior proceedings to them. "Should they advise any public demonstration, I apprehend you will be prepared to acquiesce in such arrangements as they may make; but I would strongly urge that you should make it manifest in all your proceedings, and in all public announcements, that on American ground you are acting a subordinate part, and should let Americans themselves occupy the foreground. "The American public would be justly sensitive of anything like an attempt to school them into Abolitionism, and great care will be needful to prevent any misconstruction of your object in this respect. You are embarked on a mission of good-will and Christian friendship; and, whilst you will faithfully represent the nature and object of the various addresses you bear, you will see the propriety of carefully abstaining from even appearing to dictate to America the mode in which they are ultimately to free themselves from the curse of slavery. That is a question purely for themselves, and not for foreigners. No doubt public opinion in America is ripening fast on the subject of Slavery, and is fast approaching that state when no political party can be said to favour Slavery. There are, however, two great political parties, representing different degrees of hostility towards the system, and it would be most unwise to give the more moderate party the opportunity of connecting the distrust of England, which has been fostered in the United States by the misrepresentations of our own press on the questions at issue between North and South, with the Abolitionist party, and thereby retard the consummation devoutly wished for by all sincere friends of negro emancipation. "The earnest desire of all true philanthropists is to bridge over the differences between these two great parties, and thus to secure the end in view; and, as a means to this end, you would, of course, dwell on that part of our Address which recognizes the substantial progress which has been made towards abolition. "One great object of your mission will be, whilst maintaining a due regard to the dignity of our own country, and a position of perfect neutrality as regards direct interference in the war, to calm down this feeling of distrust by an assurance that, notwithstanding these misrepresentations, the heart of England is still true on the question of slavery, and whatever causes of irritation may float on the surface, any real rupture between the two countries would be regarded with unmitigated sorrow. "I would just suggest, in conclusion, as indirectly connected with your mission, that much good would arise to ourselves, and great benefit to future generations, if materials for history could be collected and arranged in a calm, unbiassed, and philanthropic spirit, representing the true state of public feeling on the great questions now seeking solution in America by the fierce arbitrament of the sword, and the precise stand-point which has been reached both socially and politically during this great crisis in the history of the Republic. The previous experience of one of your number, and his intimate knowledge of American society before the rebellion, leads me to hope that something of this kind may be attempted.—I am, dear sirs, yours truly, "THOMAS BAYLEY POTTER. "Manchester, June 13th, 1863." "THE EMANCIPATION SOCIETY. "At a Meeting of the Committee of the Emancipation Society held at the Offices, 65, Fleet-street, London, on Monday, June 16th, 1863, it was resolved "That this committee, entertaining the highest appre WELCOME TO SYMPATHY. 17 ciation of the eminent services which the Rev. Dr. Massie has by his zeal and ability rendered to all the objects it has in view, and recognizing in him one of the oldest living advocates of the great cause of negro emancipation in this country, gladly avails itself of the opportunity presented by his mission to the United States on behalf of the conferences of ministers at London and Manchester, to commend him to the warmest sympathies and cordial cooperation of the friends of freedom in America. "(Signed by direction and on behalf of the Committee,) "WILLIAM EVANS, Chairman. "F. W. CHESSON, Hon. Secretary." WELCOME TO SYMPATHY. AND the tears are in my eyes, God alone can tell how fast, Patriot blood. O God! I bless, Shuddering hopes and throbbing pain, Us to cheer! Thus across the troubled water, From our fields of death and slaughter, Stretch my hand Gratefully to you PAMELA S. VINING. CHAPTER I. FACTS TO BE KNOWN AND CONSIDERED. THERE are in the United States constitutional questions and political denominations which rise to the surface of society for a right comprehension of which, a familiar knowledge of facts and opinions is requisite. But without this knowledge much confusion will prevail where the authority of declamatory partisans is accepted. Political antagonists, aiming at ascendancy, have been prominent there, as Whigs and Democrats, Know Nothings and Free Soilers, Americans and Republicans; and even among philanthropists, seeking freedom for the slave, Abolitionists and Emancipationists have been discriminated as occupying different claims in the anti-slavery conflict. The peace Democrat is reputed of a different school from the war Democrat, in more recent classifications; and the Republican is more favourable to the present administration than even the latter, since he is the champion of the constitution as settled by Madison, Jefferson, and Washington, which claims the people in all the states as its constituents; while the Democrat is supposed to maintain the doctrine of State rights, and that states are paramount to the Federal Government. Great authorities may be cited in support of the republican interpretation. Mr. Madison held, that after a state had consented to the form of constitution agreed to by the Convention of 1787, it was bound by it. "Should all the states adopt it," he said, "it will then be a government established by the thirteen states of America; not through the intervention of the legislatures, but by the HOW TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION. 19 people at large." Mr. Washington had given this version. his solemn sanction when he affirmed "To the efficacy and permanency of your Union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate Union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. . . The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and alter their constitution of government; but the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the right and the power of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government." Elsewhere Washington reminded the people that their constitution contains a provision for its own amendment, so that the "established government," of which he speaks, must for ever be the actual expression of the will of the whole people or of a majority of the whole. That provision is found in Art. v. "The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress." It was unnecessary to resort to rebellion, or secession, or war, that changes might be effected, according to the wishes of the people, or the exigencies of the times. Misconduct in the rulers could be exposed and unqualified |