you, therefore, Stand by the Administration. If need be, help it by word and act; but stand by it, and have faith in it.

I wish that you knew the President, and had heard the artless expression of his convictions on those questions which concern you so deeply. You might, perhaps, wish he were less cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all you have at heart. Believe me, therefore, you are wrong; and I regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends stand firm together.

If I write strongly, it is because I feel strongly; for my constant and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the fourth of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that justice is done him.

Believe me, my dear Sir,

With much regard,

Ever faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

POWER OF CONGRESS VS. MILITARY GOVERN

MENT OF STATES.

RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE, JUNE 6, 1862.

FURTHER report from North Carolina induced Mr. Sumner again to bring the action of Mr. Stanly before the Senate, in the hope especially of reaching the country, and also the Administration.

W

HEREAS Edward Stanly, assuming to act under a letter from the Secretary of War, calling him Military Governor of North Carolina, a post unknown to the Constitution and laws of the Union, has undertaken, by virtue of such military authority, to surrender fugitive slaves, contrary to the intent and meaning of an Act of Congress recently adopted; also to banish an American citizen, in violation of personal rights secured by the Constitution; and also to close and suppress schools maintained by the charity of good men for the education of colored children, in defiance of every principle of morals and religion, and to the discredit of our national character: Therefore, -—

1. Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cancel the letter of the Secretary of War under which Edward Stanly now assumes to act.

2. Resolved, That any such letter, assuming to create any person Military Governor of a State, is without sanction in the Constitution and laws, and that its ef

fect is to subordinate the civil to the military authority, contrary to the spirit of our institutions, and in derogation of the powers of Congress, which, where a State Government falls into the hands of traitors, can be the only legitimate authority, except martial law.

Mr. Carlile, of West Virginia, objected to the consideration of the resolutions, and they were postponed.

These resolutions presented again the question of the Power of Congress over the Rebel States, first opened by the resolutions of February, 11, 1862.1

1 Ante, Vol. VI. pp. 301-305.

AIR-LINE RAILROAD BETWEEN WASHINGTON

AND NEW YORK.

RESOLUTION IN THE SENATE, JUNE 9, 1862.

ESOLVED, That the Committee on Post-Offices

pediency of providing for an air-line railroad between Washington and New York, which shall carry the mails of the United States, and be free from all local impedi

ments.

This resolution was objected to, and so was postponed; but its immediate object was accomplished. The existing roads were stimulated, and the attention of the country was called to the idea of better communication between the two capitals of politics and commerce. A French paper spoke of the proposed road as "atmospheric."

The resolution was renewed at the next session of Congress, December 5, 1862, when it was agreed to.

ABOLITION AND PROHIBITION OF SLAVERY

IN WEST VIRGINIA.

REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON THE BILL FOR THE ADMISSION OF WEST VIRGINIA AS A STATE, JUNE 26, JULY 1 AND 14, 1862.

THE facts essential to the comprehension of this case appear in the debate.

MR.
Msion of West Virginia into the Union as a new

R. PRESIDENT,- The question is on the admis

State, and the following is one of the conditions, namely: "That from and after the fourth day of July, 1863, the children of all slaves born within the limits of said State shall be free." Here is a condition which you undertake to impose. This is clear.

But, Sir, be good enough to observe that this condition recognizes Slavery during the present generation. Short as life may be, it is too long for Slavery. If it be adopted, and the bill becomes a law, a new Slave State will take its place in our Union,-it may be with but few slaves, and for the present generation only, but nevertheless a new Slave State. That, Sir, is too much.

How often have I said, and how painful that I must now repeat what all know, that it takes but little Slavery to make a Slave State with all the virus of Slavery! Now my vote shall help no new State to take a place in this Union, with Senators in this body, unless purged of this poison. Enough has our nation been disturbed,