It is union,

another duty, hardly less commanding. without distinction of party, to uphold the Government, and also to uphold those who uphold the Government. Therefore do I recognize the just liberality of the call for our Convention, which is addressed not only to Republicans, but also to "all who support the present National and State Governments and are in favor of the use of all means necessary for the effectual suppression of the Rebellion." Under such a call there is no patriot citizen of the Commonwealth who may not claim a place.

Is there a patriot citizen who hesitates to support the National Government, beleaguered by a rebel enemy?

Is there a patriot citizen who hesitates to support the State Government, now, under the inspiring activity and genius of John A. Andrew, so efficiently sustaining the National Government?

And is there a patriot citizen who is not for the use of all means necessary for the effectual suppression of the Rebellion?

Were I able to be at the Convention, according to the invitation with which you honor me, gladly would I appeal to all such citizens. This country must be saved; and among the omens of victory I hail confidently that unanimity of sentiment and trust with which all loyal citizens now look to the National Government, determined that nothing of energy or contribution or sacrifice shall be wanting, by which its supremacy may be reëstablished. Another omen is yet needed. It is that the people, forgetting the past, shall ascend to that plane of justice and truth where is the light of candor, and all shall frown indignantly upon the rancors and animosi

ties of party, which even now are so disturbing in their influence, shall silence the senseless prejudices of personal hate, and stifle the falsehoods of calumny, so that here among ourselves there may be unity and concord, giving irresistible strength to our patriotic labors.

Beyond this appeal from heart to heart, I should rejoice to show clearly how to hamstring this Rebellion and to conquer a peace, all of which I am sure can be done. To this single practical purpose all theories, prepossessions, and aims must yield. So absorbing at the present moment is this question, that nothing is practical which does not directly tend to its final settlement. All else is blood-stained vanity. And the citizen soldiers you send forth to battle may justly complain, if you neglect any means by which they may be strengthened. Good Democrats, who have enjoyed the confidence of their party and also public trust, - Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, and Robert Dale Owen, of Indiana, — bear their generous testimony. So also does Parson Brownlow, of Tennessee, in a letter which I have just read, where he says that the negroes "must be urged in every possible way to crush out this infernal Rebellion." Butler bore his testimony, when, by virtue of an outstanding order of the Rebel Governor of Louisiana, he organized a regiment of colored persons in the national service. Banks also symbolized the idea, when, overtaking the little slave-girl on her way to Freedom, he lifted her upon the national cannon. In this act the brightest, most touching, and most suggestive of the whole war, which Art will hereafter rejoice to commemorate our Massachusetts general gave a lesson to his country. Who can doubt that the country will yet be saved?

I hope you will excuse me to my fellow-citizens of the Convention, and believe me, with much regard,

Very faithfully yours,

TO HON. WM. CLAFLIN,

Chairman of State Committee.

CHARLES SUMNER.

THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION:

ITS POLICY AND NECESSITY AS A WAR MEASURE FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION.

SPEECH AT FANEUIL HALL, OCTOBER 6, 1862. WITH APPENDIX, ON THE NOMINATION AND REELECTION OF MR. SUMNER AS SENATOR.

A patriot's blood,

Well spent in such a strife, may earn, indeed,

And for a time insure to his loved land,

The sweets of Liberty and Equal Laws.

COWPER, The Task, Book V. 714-717.

I assure you,

He that has once the Flower of the Sun,
The perfect ruby which we call Elixir,
Not only can do that, but by its virtue
Can confer Honor, Love, Respect, Long Life,
Give Safety, Valor, yea, and Victory,

To whom he will.

--

BEN JONSON, The Alchemist, Act II. Sc. 1.

et plus près que vous de la nature, ils vaudront beau

CONDORCET, Note 109 aux Pensees de Pascal.

When a leak is to be stopped, or a fire extinguished, do not all hands cooperate without distinction of sect or party? Or if I am fallen into a ditch, shall I not suffer a man to help me out, until I have first examined his creed? - BISHOP BERKELEY, A Word to the Wise, or an Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland: Works (London, 1837), p. 360.

May Congress not say that every black man must fight? Did we not see a little of this last war? . . . . Have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think that these call for the abolition of Slavery? May they not pronounce all slaves free? And will they not be warranted by that power? This is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to the point. - PATRICK HENRY. Debates in the Virginia Convention on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution: Elliot's Debates, Vol. III. p. 590.

The natural strength of the country, in point of numbers, appears to me to consist much more in the blacks than in the whites. Could they be incorporated and employed for its defence, it would afford you double security. That they would make good soldiers I have not the least doubt. — MAJORGENERAL NATHANAEL GREENE, Letter to Governor Rutledge: Johnson's Life of Greene, Vol. II. p. 274.