No Time is precious, and I content myself with another appeal, I mean to practical experience. I think I do not err, when I say, that, in the history of the Christian world, you will not find a single evidence of a country where clergymen have been compelled to serve as soldiers, at least I do not recall such instance, while the most military country of modern times has refused to sanction the compulsion. I have before me the wellconsidered military statute of France, where everything was matured with the greatest care and consideration, and so as to secure the largest amount of service. exemption was recognized, except after conscientious debate and for sufficient reason. Therefore this statute is testimony of the highest character. But here I find exemption, not only of the clergy, including all denominations recognized by the State, but also of students of divinity preparing to enter the ministry. If not absolutely indifferent to practical experience, the example of a military people like the French, especially in exemptions from conscription, cannot be neglected. I doubt if we shall lose by following it. "If they cannot bear arms, if they cannot perform military duty, they at any rate can furnish a substitute, or pay the sum provided for, be that more or less." Mr. Sumner replied:- I Do not understand that our clergy throughout the United States are rich. In some of the larger towns they may be comparatively so, but in the country such is not the case. Goldsmith's village preacher, "passing rich with forty pounds a year," - that is, about two hundred dollars, was not unlike large numbers of the clergy T among us. Now, Sir, to compel persons living on such a small allowance to pay two hundred and fifty dollars for a substitute is really asking too much. I think it unreasonable; and I think my colleague, who is pressing this bill with so much energy, would adapt himself better to the sentiment of the country and of civilization, if he admitted this natural and humane exemption into his list. The amendment was lost. PROTEST AGAINST FOREIGN INTERVENTION, AND DECLARATION OF NATIONAL PURPOSE. CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS, REPORTED IN THE SENATE FEBRUARY 28, 1863. FROM the beginning of the Rebellion there had been constant anxiety lest foreign powers, especially England and France, should intervene in some way, by diplomacy, if not by arms. As early as July, 1861, Russia made an offer of its good offices between the contending parties, with warm expressions for the integrity of the Union; but these were promptly declined.1 In October, 1862, the French Emperor instructed his ambassadors at London and St. Petersburg to propose the cooperation of the three Cabinets in obtaining a suspension of arms for six months, and, if required, to be prolonged further, during which every act of war, direct or indirect, should provisionally cease, on sea and land. The Cabinets of England and St. Petersburg both declined the proposition. The French Emperor then proceeded alone. By a despatch of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. Mercier, the Minister at Washington, dated January 9, 1863, his good offices were tendered to the United States, in the view of facilitating negotiations between the contending parties; but these were declined by Mr. Seward, in a despatch to Mr. Dayton at Paris, February 6, 1863.8 Meanwhile there were suggestions in the English press, and also in Parliament, of intervention in some form. Sometimes it was proposed that the independence of the Rebels should be acknowledged. The proposition from the French Emperor and the reply of Mr. Seward, being communicated to the Senate, were, on motion of Mr. Sumner, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and February 28th he reported the following resolutions. 1 Lawrence, Commentaire sur les Éléments du Droit International, etc., de Henry Wheaton, Tom. II. p. 467, Part. II. ch. 1. 2 Ibid., pp. 477-479. * Ibid., pp. 482, 483. CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS OF CONGRESS CONCERNING FOREIGN INTERVENTION IN THE EXISTING REBELLION. WHEREAS it appears from the diplomatic corre spondence submitted to Congress, that a proposition, friendly in form, looking to pacification through foreign mediation, has been made to the United States by the Emperor of the French, and promptly declined by the President; and whereas the idea of mediation or intervention in some shape may be regarded by foreign governments as practicable, and such governments, through this misunderstanding, may be led to proceedings tending to embarrass the friendly relations which now exist between them and the United States; and whereas, in order to remove for the future all chance of misunderstanding on this subject, and to secure for the United States the full enjoyment of that freedom from foreign interference which is one of the highest rights of independent states, it seems fit that Congress should manifest its convictions thereon: Therefore Resolved (the House of Representatives concurring), That, while in times past the United States have sought and accepted the friendly mediation or arbitration of foreign powers for the pacific adjustment of international questions, where the United States were party of the one part and some other sovereign power party of the other part; and while they are not disposed to misconstrue the natural and humane desire of foreign powers to aid in arresting domestic troubles, which, widening in influence, have afflicted other countries, especially in view of the circumstance, deeply regretted by the American people, that the Rebel blow aimed at the national life has fallen heavily upon the laboring population of Europe; yet, notwithstanding these things, Congress cannot hesitate to regard every proposition of foreign interference so far unreasonable and inadmissible, that its only explanation can be found in a misunderstanding of the true state of the question, and of the real character of the war in which the Republic is engaged. Resolved, That the United States are grappling with an unprovoked and wicked Rebellion, which is seeking the destruction of the Republic, that it may build a new power, whose corner-stone, according to the confession. of its chiefs, shall be Slavery; that for the suppression of this Rebellion, thus saving the Republic and preventing the establishment of such a power, the National Government is employing armies and fleets, in full faith that the purposes of conspirators and rebels will be crushed; that, while engaged in this struggle, on which so much depends, any proposition from a foreign power, whatever form it take, having for object the arrest of these efforts, is, just in proportion to its influence, an encouragement to the Rebellion, and to its declared. pretensions, and on this account is calculated to prolong and embitter the conflict, to cause increased expenditure of blood and treasure, and to postpone the much desired day of peace; that, with these convictions, and not doubting that every such proposition, although made with good intent, is injurious to the national interests, Congress will be obliged to look upon any further attempt in the same direction as an unfriendly act, which it earnestly deprecates, to the end that nothing may occur abroad to strengthen the Rebellion, or to weaken those relations of good-will |