UNION OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND THE LAKES

BY CANAL.

LETTER TO A CONVENTION AT CHICAGO, MAY 27, 1863.

THE Convention was held June 2d.

GE

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1863.

| ENTLEMEN, —I resign most reluctantly the opportunity with which I am favored by your invitation, and shall try to content myself with reading the report of your powerful and well-organized meeting at Chicago, without taking part in it.

The proposition to unite the greatest navigable river of the world with the greatest inland sea is characteristic of the West. Each is worthy of the other. The idea of joining these together strikes the imagination as original. But the highest beauty is in utility, which will not be wanting here. With this union, the Gulf of Mexico will be joined to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the whole continent, from Northern cold to Southern heat, traversed by one generous flood, bearing upon its bosom untold commerce.

It is for the West to consider well the conditions of this enterprise, and the advantages it will secure. Let its practicability be demonstrated, and the country will command it to be done, as it has already commanded the opening of the Mississippi. Triumphant over the

wickedness of an accursed Rebellion, we shall achieve another triumph, to take its place among the victories of Peace.

To this magnificent work Science will contribute her myriad resources. But there is something needed even to quicken and inspire science: it is the unconquerable will, which does not yield to difficulties, but presses forward to overcome them. No word is used with more levity than the word "impossible." A scientific professor, in a public address, declared the navigation of the Atlantic by steam "impossible." Within a few weeks it was done. The British Prime-Minister declared the construction of a canal between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea "impossible." The Pacha of Egypt, with French engineers, is now doing it. Mirabeau was right, when he protested against the use of this word as simple stupidity. But I doubt if the word will be found in any Western dictionary.

Believe me, Gentlemen, with much respect,

Very faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

To Hon. JAMES ROBB, I. N. ARNOLD, and others of the Committee.

THE ISSUES OF THE WAR.

DEDICATION OF A NEW EDITION OF THE SPEECH ON THE BARBARISM OF SLAVERY, JULY 4, 1863.

TO THE YOUNG MEN OF THE UNITED STATES I DEDICATE THIS NEW EDITION OF A SPEECH ON THE BARBARISM OF SLAVERY, IN TOKEN OF HEARTFELT GRATITUDE TO THEM FOR BRAVE AND PATRIOTIC SERVICE RENDERED IN THE PRESENT WAR FOR CIVILIZATION.

IT

T is now more than three years since I deemed it my duty, in the Senate, to expose the Barbarism of Slavery. This phrase, though common now, was new then. The speech was a reply, strict and logical, to assumptions of Senators, asserting the "divine origin" of Slavery, its "ennobling" character, and that it was the "black marble keystone" of our national arch. Listening to these assumptions, which were of daily recurrence, I felt that they ought to be answered; and considering their effrontery, it seemed to me that they should be answered frankly and openly, by exhibiting Slavery as it really is, without reserve, careful that I should "nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." This I did.

In that debate was joined the issue still pending in the Trial by Battle. The inordinate assumptions for Slavery naturally ripened in Rebellion and War. If Slavery were in reality all that was claimed by its

1 See, ante, Vol. V. p. 1.

representatives, they must have failed in duty, if they did not vindicate and advance it. Not easily could they see a thing so "divine" and so "ennobling," constituting the "black marble keystone" of our national arch, discredited by popular vote, even if not yet consigned to sacrifice.

The election of Mr. Lincoln was a judgment against Slavery, and its representatives were aroused.

Meanwhile, for more than a generation, an assumption of Constitutional Law, hardly less baleful, had become rooted side by side with Slavery, so that the two shot up in rank luxuriance together. It was assumed, that, under the Constitution, a State was privileged at any time, in the exercise of its own discretion, to withdraw from the Union. This absurdity found little favor at first, even among the representatives of Slavery. To say that two and two make five could not be more irrational. But custom and constant repetition gradually produced an impression, until, at last, all the maddest for Slavery were the maddest also for this disorganizing ally.

It was then, conjoined with this constitutional assumption, that the assumption for Slavery grew into noxious vigor, so that, at last, when Mr. Lincoln was elected, it broke forth in flagrant war; but the war was declared in the name of State Rights.

Therefore there are two apparent rudiments to this

war.

One is Slavery, and the other is State Rights. But the latter is only a cover for the former. If Slayery were out of the way, there would be no trouble from State Rights.

The war, then, is for Slavery, and nothing else. It is an insane attempt by arms to vindicate the lordship

asserted in debate. With madcap audacity it seeks to install this Barbarism as the truest Civilization. Slavery is announced as the corner-stone" of the new edifice. This is enough.

The question is presented between Barbarism and Civilization, not merely between two different forms of Civilization, but between Barbarism on the one side. and Civilization on the other side.

Such is the issue, simply stated. On the one side. are women and children at the auction-block, families rudely separated, human flesh lacerated and seamed by the bloody scourge, labor extorted without wages; and all this frightful, many-sided wrong is the declared foundation of a mock Commonwealth. On the other side is the Union of our fathers, with the image of Liberty on its coin and the sentiment of Liberty in its Constitution, now arrayed under a patriotic Government, which insists that no such mock Commonwealth, having such declared foundation, shall be permitted on the national territory, purchased with money and blood, to impair the unity of our jurisdiction, and to insult the moral sense of mankind.

Therefore the battle waged by the Union is for Civilization itself, and it must have aid and God-speed from all not openly for Barbarism. Every one must. give his best efforts, and especially the young men to whom I now appeal.

WASHINGTON, 4th July, 1863.

CHARLES SUMNER.