CHAPTER XVI. THE ROCKINGHAM ADMINISTRATION. 1782. WITH Lord North a whole system passed away. George III., the inventor of that system, remained with all the power of a Constitutional King, but was no longer to be his own sole Minister. The scheme of governing by the will of the Monarch, and ruling the House of Commons by Court favour and thinly disguised corruption-that scheme, in short, which Mr. Burke denounced in his "Thoughts on the Causes of the Present Discontents," was no longer practicable. Mr. Fox and Lord Rockingham were men too considerable to act the humble part which Lord North had reluctantly performed. The position of the King was for the moment humiliating in the extreme. He had tried to destroy party-the Rockingham party had grown strong under his displeasure; he had tried to subdue America— America had conquered her independence; he had tried to preserve Lord North as his Minister-that Ministry was for ever at an end. Nor did the anger of the King arise merely from the defeat of his plans and the curb placed on his ambition-he was himself the first Tory gentleman in his dominions, and he felt deeply the separation of America as a diminution of the British empire and a loss of reputation to the British name, A great portion of his Parliament and many of his subjects had a similar feeling, and it would be unjust to attribute to a harsh or sanguinary nature that feeling of national pride which was somewhat akin to a regard for the national honour. In this situation it is no wonder if George III. brooded over a desperate resolution. It was said that for a fortnight together the Royal yacht was preparing to convey the King to Hanover. So late as the 17th of March the King wrote to Lord North: "I am resolved not to throw myself into the hands of Opposition at all events, and shall certainly, if things go as they seem to tend, know what my conscience as well as honour dictates, as the only way left for me." These impulses of despair, however, always gave way to reflection. George III. never yielded till he knew it was inevitable; he always yielded fully when it was so.* In 1804 he would not admit Mr. Fox to the closet; in 1806 he made not the slightest objection to him. Had he lived and reigned till 1829, he probably would have conceded the Catholic Question with far more readiness than his son displayed on that occasion. At least, in the present instance, his concessions were ample. On the day following the letter I have quoted, the King wrote to Lord North, and, after repeating that his sentiments of honour would not permit him to send for any of the leaders of the Opposition and personally treat with them, said, with * In reference to the affairs of the Duke of York, Lord Grenville writes to his brother, Lord Buckingham, on March 16th, 1809: "The King's mind is, I believe, more difficult to satisfy. He holds out, as he has always done, just as long as he thinks his perseverance is likely to be of any use in carrying his point; and when he sees there is no longer any hope of that, he will give way, as he has always done in such cases."-"Court and Cabinets of George III." vol. iv. p. 333. an evident change of purpose, "If you resign before I have decided what to do, you will certainly for ever forfeit my regard." At this time the Chancellor (Lord Thurlow) was employed in sounding Lord Rockingham. Lord Rockingham answered that the terms upon which he would propose to form an Administration were as follows: "A power to accede to the independence of America; a reduction of the influence of the Crown by an abolition of offices; and bills to deprive contractors of their seats in the House of Commons, and revenue officers of their votes at elections. With respect to any reform in the representation, or limiting the duration of Parliaments, he declined laying himself under any restrictions." Lord Thurlow was surly and morose upon the subject of the three bills. He said "he would have no further communication with a man who thought the exclusion of a contractor from Parliament and the disfranchisement of an exciseman of more importance than the salvation of the country in its present situation."* Yet, if these were small things for Lord Rockingham to require, they were small things for the Crown to yield. But, in fact, Lord Rockingham knew that his character and that of his party were involved in the reduction of the influence of the Crown, and it was more important to preserve that character than to respect the prejudices of the Chancellor, or even of the Sovereign. The King next tried Lord Gower; but Lord Gower had too much sagacity to embark alone on so stormy a sea. Lord Gower, if he represented anything, represented the Bedford party; but Lord Sandwich, who was also of that party, was one of the most obnoxious of Lord North's * Walpole. colleagues. The King, who had no real attachment to Lord North, had now kept him in office long enough for his purpose, and seems to have paid no further regard to him. Without informing him, he sent to Lord Shelburne, and gave him an audience at Buckingham Palace on Thursday, the 21st of March, and proposed to him to form a government. The King's motive for sending for Lord Shelburne was, no doubt, that he was not the head of a party; but this very reason made Lord Shelburne decline the King's offer. He did not, however, relate to Lord Rockingham what had passed; and, although he spent the evening at Devonshire House, he avoided conversation, and, sitting down to Faro, did not tell any one that he had been that morning with the King. Friday and Saturday passed without any further overture to Opposition. On Sunday morning Lord Shelburne was again sent for, and after his interview with the King came to Lord Rockingham with an offer of the Treasury, himself to be one of the Secretaries of State. He told Lord Rockingham he had declined to form a government, saying: "You could go on without me, but I could not go on without you." Lord Rockingham's first impulse was to decline the offer, saying, if he was to be the head of the Treasury, the King could have no objection to see him on the subject. Mr. Fox and the Duke of Richmond persuaded him to waive this objection. The decision was unfortunate, for from this moment Lord Shelburne became the chosen organ of the King, and a barrier against Whig influence in the Cabinet. Mr. Fox perceived this when it was too late. Lord Rockingham, however, accompanied his acceptance with a list of those whom he expected to see in the Cabinet, leaving a blank for Lord Shelburne to fill the office of Chancellor, as he might be supposed to know Mr. Dunning's inclinations upon that subject. The list was as follows: Lord Rockingham Mr. Charles Fox Lord Shelburne Lord Camden. } Duke of Grafton. General Conway. First Lord of the Treasury. Chancellor of the Exchequer. First Lord of the Admiralty. Master General of the Ordnance. Secretaries of State. President of the Council. A large meeting of members of the House of Commons was held in the evening at the house of Mr. Thomas Townshend, to whom this list was communicated. According to the general conduct and principles of the persons composing it, Lord Rockingham and Mr. Fox seemed to have the preponderating scale in this arrangement; the list was approved of; Lord Shelburne expressed his perfect approbation of it, and transmitted it to the King. On Monday, the 25th, Lord Shelburne was to see the King to receive his answer. He wished, if the arrangement was agreed to, to adjourn the House of Commons over Easter; but to this Mr. Fox would not consent. Lord Shelburne, after staying with the King from eleven till two o'clock, came to Mr. Fox, and said the proposals were substantially agreed to, and that Mr. Dunning would move an adjournment of one day only to complete the arrangements. The choice of Mr. Dunning for this duty was an ostensible proof of Lord Shelburne's share in the formation of the Ministry. Besides this, Lord Shelburne had agreed that Lord Thurlow should continue Chancellor, and had proposed to the King that Mr. Dunning should have a seat in the |