Against the wish of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Petrograd Soviet sent out a call for a Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which was announced for November 7. It was on the eve of the opening of this Congress that the Bolsheviks executed their coup d'état. In this Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, the Bolsheviks had a majority. In view of the refusal of the more moderate Socialist parties, particularly the Mensheviks, to accept the Bolshevist coup d'état, the Central Executive Committee selected by the second Congress was composed largely of Bolsheviks, as was the first Council of People's Commissaries, although a few Left Socialist-Revolutionaries were given places on the Executive Committee and on the Council. No analysis of the Third and Fourth All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of January and March, 1918, are at hand. At the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets of July, 1918, the Bolsheviks had a majority, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries having about 30 per cent of the total membership and other parties being represented in very small numbers (Summary of Stenographic Report of Congress, Appendix 1). It was at this Congress that Socialist-Revolutionaries of the Right and Center, and the Mensheviks-all anti-Bolshevist but Socialist parties were excluded from the Central Executive Committee and all local Soviets were urged to do the same (Decree, Appendix 2). The Sixth All-Russian Congress, held in November, 1918, showed an overwhelming majority for the Bolsheviks; in fact, one can say that they were the only party really represented, having 900 (including 71 sympathizers) out of 914 members (Summary of Stenographic Report, Appendix 3). In the Seventh Congress, held more than 13 months later, in December, 1919, the Bolsheviks were equally dominant, having 970 out of 1,002 members (Appendix 4). The Bolsheviks have been less completely in control of local Soviets. However, an analysis made by the Bolsheviks themselves shows the gradual elimination of all other parties, and particularly of so-called non-party members, the explana tion being given that the latter were formally joining the Communist Party. There were frequent references to “sympathizers with communists" or "candidates for communists." These official Bolshevist figures also indicate that the percentage of Communists or Bolsheviks increased as one went up the scale of Soviet institutions. There were more Bolshevists in the provincial executive committees and provincial congresses than in the district and cantonal executive committees and congresses. (Appendix 5.) A detailed analysis of the composition of the Petrograd Soviet which was elected in July, 1919, and statistics on the elections of last December also show the elimination of other parties and even of socalled non-party members. (Appendix 6.) From such accounts as have been found in Bolshevist newspapers it appears that in the first stage the elections are by acclamation, at meetings held in factories, barracks, or executive departments and on party lists presented to the meeting. Delegates to higher units would seem to be elected in proportion to party strength. But even so, the party with a bare majority increases its majority as the elections pass through the various grades. The Bolsheviks admit that plenary sessions of Soviets have been irregular during the last year and therefore, the Executive Committees must have elected the delegates to higher units. This last fact would, of course, guarantee to the majority party practically complete control over the higher units, whose functions have increased with the development of extreme centralization, which the Soviet leaders have insisted was made necessary by the extraordinary conditions of foreign and civil war. A report on the first sitting of the recently elected AllRussian Central Executive Committee, as published in the official Izvestia, gives a list of the members, all of whom are prominent Communists. (Appendix 7.) In local Soviets, as for example that of Petrograd, on December 31, 1919, similarly, the Communists have complete control. (Appendix 8). Special attention is called to the manner in which the Central Executive Committee is elected by the All-Russian I. Congress of Soviets, as shown in the summary given as Appendix 1. The members of the Congress meet by parties and draw up lists of their candidates in proportion to the numerical strength of the party in the Congress. Then "each fraction presents a list which the Congress in advance confirms." Therefore, the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress, and also the Executive Committees of all Soviets, are elected on strictly party lines. An interesting statement bearing on the general character of the last AllRussian Congress (December, 1919) and emphasizing particularly the “overwhelming predominance of Communists, at the Congress and in Soviets" is the signed leading article by the responsible editor of the Izvestia, Steklov (December 11, 1919), entitled "After the Congress." (Appendix 9.) It is not very clear on what basis delegates to All-Russian Congresses are selected, though it would seem that they also are selected on the basis of party. The list of the delegates elected by the Petrograd Soviet to the Seventh All-Russian Congress was headed by the three names "Kalinin, Lenin, Trotsky," none of whom takes an active part in the work of the Petrograd Soviet. (Appendix 10.) Lenin also headed the list of delegates to the Seventh All-Russian Congress from the Moscow Soviet. III COMMUNIST PARTY'S ADMINISTRATIVE The Communist Party, as such, has assumed definite administrative functions. This took place first in connection with the organization of the Extraordinary Commissions to Combat Counter-Revolution, Sabotage and Speculation in the first months of 1918. At first these commissions were simply local party organizations, though later they became attached to the local Soviets and to the Central Executive Committee. (For discussion of this point see "Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia," in which statements are taken from the official Weekly of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission, of October 27, 1918.) In connection with the mobilization in 1918, instructions were sent out by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in which it is stated that the— Provincial Committee of the Party is responsible for carrying out the cantonal mobilization which was set by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets, and by the Soviet of Defense on April 25, 1919. In these same instructions members of the party were ordered to perform the definite functions of verifying, in collaboration with the Provincial Military Commissaries, the lists of former officers in civil positions. (For text of these instructions, see Appendix II.) The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party sent instructions not only to Provincial Committees of the Party but also to the above mentioned Provincial Military Commissaries (announcement appearing in the Petrograd Pravda of May 1, 1919, Appendix 12). In connection with the organization of a "Workmen'sPeasants' University" which was to be a kind of normal school attached to the official People's Commissariat of the Interior, students had to be supplied not only with a certificate of the local Executive Committee, but also with a recommendation of a communist organization. The program of this university included among the subjects taught "The Russian Communist Party and its History." (Appendix 13.) Also, in connection with the development of general educational work in the villages, an extract from the resolution of the Eighth Congress of the Russian Communist Party, held in March, 1919 (Appendix 14) shows that "departments of public education, in provinces and districts, with the assistance and under the control of local party organizations, organize colleges of propaganda * * * " 1 International Conciliation, March,' 1920, Committees of the Russian Communist Party sit in joint session with the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, as well as with other official Soviet institutions. Such an instance is described in the Severnaya Kommuna of March 7, 1919 (Appendix 15), at which resolutions were passed “in the name of Soviet Russia." In announcing the reelection of People's Judges in Petrograd, a news item in the Krasnaya Gazeta of December 20, 1919, states that "the reelection of judges and the confirmation of the new judges will take place in the ward committees of the party." (Appendix 16.) A commission was instituted in Petrograd to organize what was called the "Week for the Front." The announcement of this commission (see Appendix 17) shows that not only were representatives of the Communist Party to serve with representatives of Soviet institutions, but the former were mentioned before the latter. A wireless message dated Moscow, December 19, 1919 (Appendix 18), represents instructions to all Provincial Party Committees, sent out by the secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, for the formation of special commissions, on which the Party Committee is given precedence over the Executive Committee or other official Soviet institutions. IV COMMUNISTS IN THE RED ARMY In the Red Army the Communist Party has played a very important part. Members of the party as such were mobilized in the early spring of 1919. (Appendices 19 and 20.) Later, in October, 1919, when Petrograd was threatened by the Yudenich offensive, local communists as such were called to the colors. Here, also, the order of mobilization was issued by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party. (Appendix 21.) Attached to each unit of the Red Army is a so-called Political Section, which receives instructions from the Central |