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The WHITE Heavy Duty Truck

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Supporting the McLemore Resolution which called upon the President to warn Americans not to travel on merchant ships which were prepared to defend themselves against the piratical submarines, he said that he was in favor of keeping out of war if possible, and uttered these memorable words:

I hope that citizens may be so advised that we shall never be put to the test whether we have to fight because some fool had entered upon a joy ride or voyage. (Page 4130" Congressional Record," March 6, 1916.)

This was worse in taste, although not in principle, than a similar utterance of William Randolph Hearst in the New York "American" of June 6, 1916. Mr. Hearst said:

Whether it [the Lusitania] was armed or not, it was properly a spoil of war subject to attack and destruction under the accepted rules of so-called civilized warfare.

The names of Mr. Mann and Mr. Hearst ought to be bracketed together in the "lest-we-forget" calendar of every red-blooded American.

There is a current and striking story of a captured Prussian officer who was under the care of an American officer at the western front. The Prussian expressed his astonishment at learning that there were two million American soldiers on French soil and asked, in wonderment, "What

JANUARY 1, 1919

ships brought them?" The American officer replied: "One ship brought themthe Lusitania!"

The Lusitania test is one that may justly be applied to all American public men. Judged by this test, neither Mr. Hearst nor Mr. Mann is fit to welcome our American soldiers on their return home, or to lead American citizens in the political reconstruction of the world so that there shall be no more Lusitania murders.

ZONE POSTAGE

The Second-Class Postage Law under which periodicals and newspapers now pay postage to the Government according to specific zones has proved to be thoroughly unpopular among the readers of the country, as we supposed it would. Over seven hundred different organizations in various parts of the United States, such as chambers of commerce, boards of trade, religious organizations, farmers' associa tions, have adopted and forwarded resoluthis law. The Outlook opposed the zone tions in favor of an immediate repeal of plan, and still opposes it, on the ground that it promotes sectionalism, and this opinion seems to be growing. One of the best indications of popular antagonism to the law is found in the fact that the Finance Committee of the Senate has added an amendment to the War Revenue Bill (which is now under consideration) repealing the zone system of second-class postage rate and substituting a rate of one cent a pound within one hundred and fifty miles of the office of the publication of a periodical or newspaper, and one and one-half cents beyond that radius. This is a flat rate which applies to the reading matter and advertising pages alike. Under the present law the reading-matter pages of a periodical are subject to one rate of postage and the advertising pages to another.

On December 19, by a vote of 34 to 22, the Senate approved the amendment to the War Revenue Bill which would abolish the zone system of postage. Thirteen Democrats and twenty-one Republicans voted for it, and fifteen Democrats and seven Republicans voted against it.

The War Revenue Bill as a whole passed the Senate on December 23, and is now before the Conference Committee of the two houses. It is reported that Chairman Kitchin, of the Ways and Means Committee of the House, has stated that his Committee will allow no bill to go before the House for a vote

which provides for the repeal of the zone system of second-class postage.

We do not believe the country at large approves of this individualistic way of settling social and political questions. It is the members of the House as a whole, as the Constitution provides, and not any one individual Congressman, who ought to discuss and vote upon such measures. It would be helpful to the readers as well as to the publishers of newspapers and periodicals if the voters of the country who favor the repeal of the zone system would write to the Congressmen of their districts urging, if not the repeal, at least an open reconsideration of the matter. Secret lawmaking is as out of place as secret diplomacy.

AGAINST

THE NEW WAR AGAINST
CHILD LABOR

The United States Senate has passed by the substantial majority of 50 to 12 an amendment to the Revenue Bill which is aimed at the abuse of children forced to labor at too early an age or under wrong conditions. The amendment puts an additional tax of ten per cent on the net profits of all industrial concerns throughout the country which produce goods tainted by child labor contrary to very moderate restrictions. These restrictions are those included in the Child Labor Law which was pronounced unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court; and they have been printed in these columns repeatedly."

This is the opening gun in the new war. If the lower house concurs in this legislation, far the most formidable effort yet undertaken will go into effect in a National and universal way. As we have already pointed out, the first National attempt was to utilize the power of Congress over inter-State traffic to check the evil.

This effort failed because the Supreme Court declared the law unconstitutional. Then came an attempt to pass a law as a war measure. The end of the war made that effort futile. Now the attempt. is to call into action the taxing power of the Government. The principle that taxing can be used for other purposes than revenue, provided it is laid universally and fairly as regards the States, has been established beyond question in many decisions of the Supreme Court. Effort to cope with the child labor evil by State legislation is easily obstructed, and is partial at the best. The evil is a National

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There is no other institution or agency doing so much for writers, young or old. The universities recognize this, for over one hundred members of the English faculties of higher institutions are studying in our Literary Department. The editors recognize it, for they are constantly recommending our courses.

We publish The Writer's Library. We also publish The
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The New War Against Child Labor. Shall We Sink the German Warships?. Comrades of the Mist.....

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Preparing for the Peace Conference.. Germany's Political Kaleidoscope..

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The New Red Cross....

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Joseph H. Twichell....

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To the Women of America..

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How a Small Town Planned its Soldiers' Memorial.....

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Be not too late-SHAKSPERE

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"Too Late!

Sad words those-"Too Late"-for they always emphasize what might have been and should have been but was not-especially in life-insurance.

In March, 1915, a man living in Florida wrote to the POSTAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY for insurance-information, which was promptly forwarded.

As he did not reply, other letters, with printed matter, were sent suggesting that he protect his family by, taking out a policy even though a small one. He put it off.

Finally, in October, 1918, the Company wrote him and inclosed an interesting booklet entitled: "How much insurance ought I to carry?" Then, after more than three years, an answer came-not from him but from his wife, who wrote:

"Your letters and your interest in my husband's insur-
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monia-without insurance and leaving two children.'

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F you are in the habit of buying The Outlook at a news-stand, it will be to your advantage to place a standing order with your newsdealer. The War Industries Board has requested publishers to discontinue the acceptance of unsold copies from newsdealers, and in conformity with that request The Outlook is now non-returnable. To prevent loss, therefore, newsdealers must limit their orders to actual sales. Buyers at news-stands may co-operate and avoid disappointment by giving their dealer a standing order for the weekly delivery of The Outlook.

THE OUTLOOK COMPANY

one and must be dealt with by National legislation and its enforcement.

SHALL WE SINK THE GERMAN
WARSHIPS?

An unauthenticated newspaper despatch, which we believe is really a bit of backstairs gossip, states that some of the American delegates to the Peace Conference have suggested the sinking of the surrendered German warships as a proper and expedient way of getting rid of them. We cannot believe that anybody in authority has made such a proposal. Nevertheless we are very glad that Senator Lodge has brought the matter up on the floor of the Senate and has denounced the idea. It is true that there are perhaps some complications involved in the final disposition of the great fleet of modern ships of war which composed the German navy, and which Germany has so abjectly surrendered. These ships are now riding at anchor in British harbors. Under the old and barbaric principle that "to the victors belong the spoilsi doubtless some individuals have made selfish claims for these ships, and other individuals have with equal selfishness feared that some nation will get a battleship or a torpedo boat or two that will give it advantage over some other nation. This, of course, assumes that we are going right on with the old idea of big navies and masses of soldiers, that we are still to be governed by the principle that everybody must be armed to the teeth.

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If there is anything at all in the idea of a League of Nations and of the peaceful settlement of international disputes, why do the German captured ships have to be preserved as engines of war? We do not think they should be so preserved, but they do not need to be ruthlessly sunk simply for the sake of getting rid of the bore and annoyance of discussing them. Two or three things could be done with them.

They could be dismantled and the materials used in some kind of reconstruction work.

If it is not too much of a visionary dream to talk about an international police force, they might be held and form the nucleus of that police force.

Some of them certainly, as has been suggested by a woman reader of The Outlook, might be made over into hospital ships. Without a very enormous expense a modern battleship could be made into a very good floating hotel for convalescent wounded soldiers.

Some of them could be employed to train boys and men for the growing merchant service of the world.

What nation should get these ships to use in peace or other constructive work is not so complicated a question as

it may seem. What force was it that put these German ships out of the war? The British navy. Ought not Great Britain, therefore, to have the chief voice in determining their final disposal?

COMRADES OF THE MIST

Sir David Beatty, British Admiral of the Grand Fleet, made a fine, bluff, sailor-like, and hearty farewell address to the American naval officers and men about to return to America. “You will not forget," he said, "your Comrades of the Mist." There is romance in the phrase, but there is also in it the thrill of joint sturdiness, hardship, constant danger, and splendid service.

The Sixth Battle Squadron was the official designation of our part of the North Sea Fleet, and by that name Admiral Beatty thanked his American comrades for the great part they had played "in bringing about the greatest naval victory in history." "Come back soon,' he cried in good-by.

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The one disappointment of British and Americans was that the German fleet did not come out. Sir David described the impressive scene of the surrender as a pitiful day to see those great ships coming in like sheep being herded by dogs to their fold without an effort on anybody's part."

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There was manly sincerity in the British Admiral's farewell words:

The support you have shown is that of true comradeship, and in time of stress that is worth a very great deal. . . . During the last twelve months have been you with us we have learned to know each other well. We have learned to respect each other. I want you to take back a message to the Atlantic Fleet that you have left a warm place in the hearts of the Grand Fleet which cannot be filled until you come back or send another squadron to represent you. You have given us a sample of the Atlantic Fleet which, I think, the Atlantic Fleet, efficient as it is, will find it hard to reproduce.

PREPARING FOR THE PEACE
CONFERENCE

Only vague glimpses may as yet be had of what is going on behind the curtain soon to be raised for the Peace Conference. It is certain that an informal exchange of views is going on between the representatives of the Allies, and that the stage of tentative suggestions is well stage of tentative suggestions is well under way. After the holidays and after President Wilson returns to Paris from his visit to England a clearer view of the situation may be had.

One direct statement has been made by President Wilson. He contradicted a newspaper statement by saying: "I am, as every one knows, not only in favor of a League of Nations, but believe the for

mation of such a League absolutely indispensable to the maintenance of peace. But the particular plan of the League to Enforce Peace I have never directly or indirectly indorsed." And in his finely expressed address before the University of Paris, which conferred upon him the doctor's degree, President Wilson said:

My conception of the League of Nations is just this-that it shall operate as the organized moral force of men throughout the world, and that whenever or wherever wrong and aggression are planned or contemplated this searching light of conscience will be turned upon them, and men everywhere will ask, "What are the purposes that you hold in your heart against the fortunes of the world?”

Just a little exposure will settle most questions. If the Central Powers had dared to discuss the purposes of this war for a single fortnight, it never would have happened; and if, as should be, they were forced to discuss it for a year, the war would have been inconceivable.

France and England have honored our President with more than official courtesy. That he is expected to be an influence for justice and the advance of civilization is certain. That was a generous and earnest tribute paid to him by the London "Times" on the eve of his visit to England:

His frank rectitude of purpose, his courageous plainness of speech, the swift, resolute transition of purpose into action, such qualities as these have shown him to be a man after the British heart. We honor him not less but more because he is credited with a tenacity which will not abandon a purpose once formed on account of threatened opposition, although it be we who are opposing it.

The whole British nation is persuaded of the crystal purity of his intentions and his deep, chivalrous regard for humanity. He is a man, and Britain knows a man when it sees him.

GERMANY'S POLITICAL
KALEIDOSCOPE

New parties and new combinations appear almost daily in Germany. For instance, we are told of a "People's League" which contains such lovers of the people and haters of Imperialism as Bernstorff, who served the Kaiser in America; Erzberger, of the Catholic Centrist party; Prince Max of Baden, the Kaiser's Chancellor; and Dr. Solf, who was put into the Foreign Office by the old régime. A forecast of the National Assembly," to be called some time before March," counts up eight separate parties, including five varieties of Socialists.

At present the Ebert and Scheidemann influence seems still in the ascendant, and a Soldiers and Workmen's Executive Committee of twenty-seven is said to be composed entirely of Majority Socialists. The army as a body seems to be quite under control and accepts Hindenburg's

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