CHAP. II.]

HE OPPOSED GOVERNMENT MEASURES.

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could not give. And what was to be their aid? If men, our citizens would see their armies get foothold in the United States with great jealousy; it would be difficult to protect them. Even the French, during the distresses of the late war, excited some jealous sentiments.

"Hamilton said, money was often, but not always demanded, and the aid he should propose to stipulate would be in ships. Knox non dissentiente.

"The President said the remedy would be worse than the disease, and stated some of the disagreeable circumstances which would attend our making such overtures."

So Hamilton's proposition for a defensive alliance with England-to purchase that alliance by, amongst other things, giving England a foothold on the Upper Mississippi and the common navigation of that river-was defeated by the emphatically declared casting vote of the President! Here was a proper following up of that theoretical "entering wedge,” inserted in the argument in Lord Dorchester's case, and a proper condemnation of the object when it stood openly revealed. We have here also a case in point, where the Secretary of the Treasury had no horror of a Cabinet officer's continuing to oppose "Government measures" when they chanced to be Government measures disconnected with the Treasury. There was not a more often adjudged and firm principle of General Washington's administration than that he desired to observe a genuine neutrality between all European powers, and specially between England and France. While he partook of none of those prejudices which made him in the least indifferent to avoiding a war with England, just as clearly and decidedly was he opposed to being drawn into any direct or indirect arrangement which savored of such an indifference in regard to France-or which even carried the appearance of choosing a contest with France rather than with England.

Hamilton never failed to take the opposite ground where circumstances opened the most remote prospect to success or partial success. His habitual conversation and correspondence exhibited a different feeling and theory. His followers and the presses under his influence soon advocated a totally different policy in this particular from what he knew to be the settled one of Washington. We shall find him, before his public career closed, entering into schemes for the overthrow of that policy-entering into them on one important occasion where

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THEORY AND PRACTICE COMPARED.

[CHAP. II. there are good reasons for believing his objects were as carefully concealed from the eye of Washington as they were from the public.' Surely we need not again recur to the question whether Hamilton's charge against Jefferson, of indelicately and improperly (not to say treacherously), opposing the measures of a government of which he was a member, was sincerely made, or whether it was a convenient pretence to disable a powerful opponent.

On the occasion here referred to, however, Washington was out of office; and this produces a difference in circumstances in favor of Hamilton, which every reader will know how to make due allowance for.

CHAPTER III.

1792-1793.

Second Presidential Election-Republican Triumph in the Congressional Elections-Closing Session of the preceding Congress-It refuses to hear Heads of Departments on the Floor -References to Heads of Departments sustained-Political Letters-French Relations -The President's Views on them-Loan to United States Bank defeated-"The Catholic principle of Republicanism "-Partisan partialities towards France and England— -Jefferson's strong Letter to Short-Republican Opposition to Jefferson's Retirement -His disagreeable Position-Letter to his Daughter on the Subject-Defers his Retirement-Refuses to form a Coalition with Hamilton-Additional Assumption defeated by the President-W. S. Smith's Communications from the French Government-The President urges Jefferson to accept the French Mission, when he retires from the Cabinet-De Ternant's application for Prepayment granted-Prepayment of entire French Debt refused-Proceedings in Congress-Inquiry into the Conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury-Hamilton's Replies to the House-Resolutions of Censure defeatedTheir Propriety considered-War between France and England-How regarded in the United States-Cabinet Proceedings in reference to Reception of French Minister, and to the Bindingness of French Treaties-President's Proclamation-Jefferson's View of Randolph's Draft-President decides to receive French Minister, and that the French Treaties are binding-Jefferson refuses to remove Freneau from Office-His language and Motives considered-His Idea of a Casus Belli with the European PowersMorris instructed to respect the de facto Government of France-Jefferson's Ideas on Public Officers embarking in Speculations-Citizen Genet, the new French MinisterHis Arrival in the United States-English Vessels captured-The Popular Feeling-Cabinet Deliberations on Neutrality Laws-Instructions to Pinckney-Jefferson's Description of the Views of the Cabinet-Hamilton's proposed Circular to the Collectors-Jefferson's Reply to Complaints of Hammond-Complains to Hamilton of his Intrusions on his Department-Cabinet divide on Propriety of restoring Prizes to England-Positions of the Several Members-President concurs with the Secretary of StateGenet's Arrival and Reception in Philadelphia-His Reception by the PresidentHis Waiver of the American Guaranty of the French West Indies-Its Effect on the Public Mind-Relations with Spain-Its hostile Deportment towards United StatesInstructions to American Commissioners in Spain-Cabinet Meetings in regard to Southern Indians-Decisive Dispatches to Spain-Forwarded without a Cabinet Consultation-War considered imminent-Federal Hostility to the French Republic considered-General Washington's Attitude on this Subject-His perfect Understanding with the Secretary of State-Leaves the latter to decide whether an immediate Call shall be made on England to surrender the Northern Posts Jefferson's Call on Hammond-The contemplated Consequences of this Step-The Anglo-Spanish AllianceThe President's greater Confidence in Jefferson than in the other Members of his Cabinet, in regard to Foreign Affairs, manifested.

PRESIDENT WASHINGTON finally consented to become a canlidate for reëlection. He met with no opposition and received

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PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.

[CHAP. III.

a unanimous vote in the Electoral College. The Federalists supported John Adams for the Vice-Presidency, and the Republicans George Clinton, of New York. The former received seventy-seven electoral votes, and the latter fifty.' But several considerations prevented this from being made as purely a test of the relative strength of parties as that which took place in the congressional elections under the new Apportionment Bill." The Republicans carried a decided majority of the members. Precisely how large that majority was, it would now be difficult to say, for before the meeting of the third Congress, events took place which changed the partisan relations of some of the members. The Republicans lost considerably in this way, yet on the vote on the Speakership they still had a majority of ten.

But we have not yet done with the second Congress, which convened pending some of the events described in the last chapter. The second session commenced on the 5th of November, 1792. On the 16th, Mr. Jefferson thus wrote his son-in-law, Mr. Randolph :

DEAR SIR:

Congress have not yet entered into any important business. An attempt has been made to give further extent to the influence of the Executive over the Legislature, by permitting the heads of departments to attend the House and explain their measures vivá voce. But it was negatived by a majority of thirty-five to eleven, which gives us some hope of the increase of the Republican vote. However, no trying question enables us yet to judge, nor indeed is there reason to expect from this Congress many instances of conversion, though some will probably have been effected by the expression of the public sentiment in the late election. For, as far as we have heard, the event has been generally in favor of Republican, and against the aristocratical candidates. In this State the election has been triumphantly carried by the Republicans; their antagonists having got but two out of eleven members, and the vote of this State can generally turn the balance. Freneau's paper is getting into Massachusetts, under the patronage of Hancock and Samuel Adams; and Mr. Ames, the colossus of the Monocrats and paper men, will either be left out or hard run. The people of that State are Republican; but hitherto they have heard nothing but the hymns and lauds chanted by Fenno. My love to my dear Martha, and am, dear sir, yours affectionately.

The vote here alluded to respecting permitting heads of de

The vote stood for Mr. Adams: New Hampshire, 6; Massachusetts, 16; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 9; Vermont, 3; New Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 14; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; South Carolina, 7. For Mr. Clinton: New York, 12; Pennsylvania, 1; Virginia, 21; North Carolina, 12; Georgia, 4. Mr. Jefferson received the 4 votes of Kentucky. Aaron Burr received 1 vote from South Carolina.

2 For example, in Pennsylvania, where the Republicans were decidedly in the ascendant, and elected nearly all their members of Congress, Mr. Adams received all the electoral votes but one; and these alone were sufficient to turn the scale.

CHAP. III.] LAST SESSION OF SECOND CONGRESS.

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partments to personally address Congress on its floor, arose during the debate on the report of a committee on General St. Clair's defeat. This was thought by implication to cast censure on the War and Treasury departments; and Dayton moved (November 13th) that the secretaries of those departments be directed to attend the House, and give information. This was warmly resisted by Madison, Giles, and other leading Republicans, as unconstitutional, and a most dangerous precedent; and was supported by Ames, Boudinot, Smith, of South Carolina, Gerry and others. A branch of the Federalists, headed by Fitzsimmons, Murray, and Livermore, was not prepared to submit Congress to this species of influence, and consequently the motion failed by the decisive vote recorded.'

Another exciting debate took place on a motion made by Fitzsimmons, on the 19th, to refer a portion of the President's Message relating to the redemption of the public debt, to the Secretary of the Treasury, to report a plan for such redemption. The Republicans, anxious to reduce the continually growing influence of the Executive over the Legislative department, warmly resisted the reference. Madison, Mercer, Page, and others spoke in the negative, and were answered by Ames, Sedgwick, Smith of South Carolina, Gerry, and, indeed, nearly the whole Federal strength of the House. The motion finally prevailed by a vote of thirty-two to twenty-five; and another resolution was passed, at the same time (November 21st), directing the Secretary of the Treasury to report a plan for paying at once the two millions advanced by the Bank of the United States to offset against the same amount subscribed to the stock of that institution. Mr. Jefferson wrote Mr. Pinckney, in England, on the 3d of December:

"The elections for Congress have produced a decided majority in favor of the Republican interest. They complain, you know, that the influence and patronage of the Executive is to become so great as to govern the Legislature. They endeavored a few days ago to take away one means of influence by condemning references to the heads of departments. They failed by a majority of five votes. They were more successful in their endeavor to prevent the introduction of a new means of influence, that of admitting the heads of department to deliberate occasionally in the House in explanation of their measures. The proposition for their

Finally, on Madison's motion, the matter was sent back to the Committee, and the secretaries were permitted to attend before the Committee, to make explanations.

This, by the conditions of the loan, was payable in annual installments of two hun. dred thousand dollars, with six per cent. interest.