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STRICTURES ON AN ARTICLE IN NO.
LVI. OF THE EDINBURGH REVIEW,
ENTITLED, PRESENT STATE OF
WEST INDIA AFFAIRS.

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Lara and Harold contemn the subal- ney School-of which here terminates tern sneaking of our modern tuft- the first. hunter. The insult which he offered to Lord Byron in the dedication of Rimini,-in which he, a paltry cockney newspaper scribbler, had the assurance to address one of the most nobly-born of English Patricians, and one of the first geniuses whom the world ever produced, as "My dear Byron," although it may have been forgotton and despised by the illustrious person whom it most nearly concerned,-excited a feeling of utter loathing and disgust in the public mind, which will always be remembered whenever the name of Leigh Hunt is mentioned. We dare say Mr Hunt has some fine dreams about the true nobility being the nobility of talent, and flatters himself, that with those who acknowledge only that sort of rank, he himself passes for being the peer of Byron. He is sadly mistaken. He is as completely a Plebeian in his mind as he is in his rank and station in society. To that highest and unalienable nobility which the great Roman satirist styles "sola atque unica," we fear his pretensions would be equally unavailing.

The shallow and impotent pretensions, tenets, and attempts, of this man,—and the success with which his influence seems to be extending itself among a pretty numerous, though certainly a very paltry and pitiful, set of readers,-have for the last two or three years been considered by us with the most sickening aversion. The very culpable manner in which his chief poem was reviewed in the Edinburgh Review (we believe it is no secret, at his own impatient and feverish request, by his partner in the Round Table), was matter of concern to more readers than ourselves. The masterly pen which inflicted such signal chastisement on the early licentiousness of Moore, should not have been idle on that occasion. Mr Jeffrey does ill, when he delegates his important functions into such hands as those of Mr Hazlitt. It was chiefly in consequence of that gentleman's allowing Leigh Hunt to pass unpunished through a scene of slaughter, which his execution might so highly have graced, that we came to the resolution of laying before our readers a series of essays on the CockVOL. II.

THE lead which has been taken by the Edinburgh Review in all discussions connected with colonial matters, has given an authority to its dogmas in every question of colonial policy, to which, on more accurate investigation, it will be found by no means entitled. Instead of dispassionate inquiry into the real merits of any case, it uniformly advocates whatever appears hostile to the views of those who, from their local knowledge, are most conversant with colonial affairs, and attempts to stigmatize them with every odious epithet that can be conceived. This is so contrary to the true spirit which ought to influence discussions on which the happiness of so many depends, that it is a paramount duty in every individual, however humble his attainments, to counteract such mischievous and injurious proceedings, by boldly proclaiming whatever facts he may possess.

This duty is rendered still more cogent when that individual is a decided abolitionist both in principle and practice; who wishes for the attainment of all the good that the most enthusiastic disciple of the African Institution can anticipate, but who will not compromise truth and integrity. This general impression has been fully confirmed by an article in the 56th Number of the Edinburgh Review, which professes to be a critique of a medical work by Dr Williamson; but which in fact is, as is too often the case in that Journal, a summary of the peculiar tenets of the Reviewer, in which little notice is taken of the work itself, except to pervert the statements and reasonings of the author. The examination which it is now proposed to make must consist of two parts.

First, A brief analysis of the general principles adopted by the Reviewer; and,

Second, An inquiry into the use made of Dr Williamson's Observations.

In both of these a few general and.
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critical remarks will necessarily be interspersed.

The Reviewer opens his attack on the colonists (for such his essay is undoubtedly to be considered) by apologizing for not having appeared on the field for nearly two years. His reasons are curious, and we here present them, that they may be fairly understood.

"The West Indians and their antagonists had entered at large into the conflict. The passions of men on either side were kindled; the one party warm in defence of their supposed interests and fancied rights; the other in behalf of the highest interests of justice and the inalienable rights of human nature. The press teemed with almost daily publications, in every shape, and of all sizes-it is scarcely necessary to add, of various merits, both critical and moral-from the calmest and most convincing vindication of truth, and of character wantonly assailed, to the coarsest ribaldry, and the dullest misrepresentation. Parliamentary discussion soon followed; and, an accidental riot in a small district of one of the Islands being heard of about the same time, the alarm was industriously spread, that the abolitionists, the English Amis des Noirs, were spreading the devastation of Negro insurrection over the English settlements, which their predecessors in France had established in St Domingo. The mass of materials which we should have had to wade through, might have justified our delaying the continuation of the subject, until a little time had rendered so minute a review of it unnecessary. But we were still more powerfully withheld, by a wish that the clouds raised by the animosities of the moment should pass away, and leave the facts of the case to appear, as we knew they soon must, in their true colours and just proportions."

The three first paragraphs are remarkably accurate, if read in the way which their twofold meaning admitsbut we doubt much if the Reviewer's version would accord with ours. The next paragraph being more distinct, is more open to being canvased; and here we first throw down the gauntlet. We deny the assertion in toto, that the colonists, or the advocates of the colonists, who have appeared in the contest, have ever advanced," that the abolitionists, the English Amis des Noirs, were spreading the devastation of negro insurrection over the English settlements, which their predecessors in France had established in St Domingo." But they have asserted, and they can prove their assertions, that

INTERESTED AND FANATICAL INDI

VIDUALS, unprovided with sufficient information, and possibly influenced by more sordid motives, do threaten the security of the British West India Colonies, by preaching Jacobinism to the slaves, and by publishing falsehoods in Britain respecting the views and wishes of the colonial proprietors. Among the abolitionists there are numbers of enlightened liberal men, whose efforts are worthy of the great cause in which they are enlisted-but these are rarely practically acquainted with the colonies, and are consequently open to the misrepresentations of the sordid, who wish to turn their honourable exertions to an attainment of selfish ends. Such men as Wilberforce,† Sharpe, Pitt, and Fox, can on

The deplorable ignorance of facts connected with the colonies is well illustrated by the following example, derived from a work by one of the most violent members of the African Institution. He has, however, in his favour, the fact that he has never been in the West Indies, and therefore must have obtained his information from some individual who delighted in misrepresentation. "The arrangements of society, says Broughham, support the distinction" (that of complexion), and confer signal privileges on its favoured possessors. Hence, a general sense of equality among all the whites, from the great planter down to the lowest mechanic who lives by his employment. When a blacksmith arrives at a plantation to shoe the horses, he approaches his employer; takes him by the hand; performs his work in the stable; returns to the parlour; and thinks himself insulted, if the honour of his company is not requested to dinner or coffee." Brougham's Colonial Policy of the European Powers. Book I. p. 76. vol. I. fortunately is quite untrue. This may possess much merit, but it un

+ Of Mr Wilberforce's motives, talents, and disposition, no man can think more favourably than the writer of these observations, nor is there any one who values more his great and persevering labours in the cause of humanity; but it is impossible derive all that he knows on the subject to be blind to the fact, that Mr W. must of the colonies from others, and frequently his information is bad. Had this not been the case, his candid and upright mind would have shrunk from the assertions which he made in his place in the House of Commons, on the 10th June 1816, on the Bar

badoes revolt.

"The condition,' said he, of the nemight account for the insurrection. In that gro population in that island was such as island there were few resident proprietors and there might be a class of people that did

ly have been influenced by the purest motives. To these even their opponents must pay the homage of respect. Widely different, however, are the sentiments excited by the contemplation of gross ignorance and misrepresentation. The Reviewer declares, that the period is arrived at which the topics of West Indian affairs may be resumed, though he does not condescend to assign his reasons. Possibly he abstains from so doing, lest it should be supposed

not so much consult the feelings or comforts of the slaves as in our other colonies, and they pressed upon the rights of that degraded race with a weight which they felt intolerable so that impatience under suffering, rather than hopes from revolt, might be supposed to stimulate them to the conduct they pursued.' It might be suspected, adds a well-informed, though harsh Commentator, that this might be accusation was delivered either from ignorance, prejudice, or a cold blooded vindication of rebellion. When the assertion was made, it was no doubt calculated that it might be answered, but, before it could officially be so, a long time must elapse; and, in the mean time, the poison took effect, and became rooted in the minds of the unwary.

Where Mr Wilberforce

obtained this information I know not, and he himself dare not, or cannot, disclose. In Barbadoes, it is perfectly notorious to any thing but prejudice or wickedness of the most obstinate kind, that there are more resident, and not only resident but independent, proprietors, than in half, if not the whole, of the British Charibbean Islands. Generation succeeding generation of proprietors there live among their slaves, and look upon

them as children. The exertions of the

gentlemen of this country,' say the official documents transmitted by the order of Government (and by them laid on the table of the House of Commons, July 12th, 1815, in presence of Mr Wilberforce), in the education of their children in England, is highly honourable; and the number sent to Oxford and Cambridge, on a due consideration of the expense and the pressure of the times, greatly exceeds what might have been expected. The number of whites is to the negroes as one to four, while, in most other colonies, it is not one to thirty. The number of properties destroyed or injured, where the proprietors were resident, is four to one of the absentees. The negro population of Barbadoes has also been annually on the increase from natural means, arising from the equality of sexes and few African negroes." 170, 171, Edinburgh Review and West Indies, by Colonist.

See p.

The statements contained in this extract are undeniably true.

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that he did so on compulsion." Before going farther, it is proper to enter a general protest against the style of the Reviewer, who uniformly assumes, that every argument used by every advocate of the colonists is sanctioned by every member of the colonial body. This we declare not to be the fact; and we will even go so far as to assert, that many of the disgraceful absurdities published from the time of Bisset to the present day, apparently in favour of the views of the colonists, have not even received the sanction of a large majority of colonial proprietors. Indeed we strongly suspect, that many of these singularly absurd productions must have been written, published, and circulated, by the decided enemies of the colonists. We enter this protest chiefly because first great argument used by the the Reviewer boldly asserts, that "the planters was, the incompetence of the British Parliament to legislate for the internal affairs of the colonies," (p. 841). That this has been urged by some planters is undoubtedly the case; but it has been far from being the argument of all. The transcendant power of the Imperial Parliament is known to all,-and the question is not one of power, but of policy. Great Britain has the power, because she has the physical strength; but it would be difficult to prove, that, because she does possess this power, she ought to interfere in the most delicate relations that subsist in society. It is not here necessary to discuss the footing on which colonies ought to stand to their parent state. The question is diffuse, and might lead to an endless controversy. Experience, however, has shown, that if colonies, possessing strength, be not considered integral parts of the parent state, and allowed a share in the representation which determines their fate, a separation is inevitable. The great example of the United States must satisfy every true Whig, which, it is to be presumed, the Reviewer must be. It is perfectly true, that the West Indian colonies do not possess the power of physical resistance; but they are constitutionally entitled to lay their grievances at the foot of the throne, and to urge, in every possible form, their objections to an interference which, if persisted in, can have but one result the entire annihilation of

This is all that they have hitherto done; and it is to be hoped that the Reviewer would not wish to deny to his countrymen, holding colonial property, the privileges which he would advocate for himself.

the British West Indian colonies. ed to. That Parliament has the right is incontestible; but we deny that prudence requires them to interfere between the slave and his master, except in cases where the conduct of the latter appears to be grossly iniquitous. Let the former once feel that there is a higher power than that immediately over him-let him fancy himself ill used-and all subordination will cease. Let him, on the other hand, be satisfied that his best and dearest interests are identified with those of his proprietor, and that to him he is to look for protection, safety, and comfort, and the happiest effects may be anticipated. Obedience and confidence must be consequent with their corresponding benefits. Numberless are the estates on which such confidence has been establishedthe master knows that he can depend on his people; they, on the other hand, know that they can depend on their master. On such estates, punishment, beyond confinement, is scarcely heard of. It is a notorious fact, that the physical strength of the negroes far exceeds that of the white and coloured population of the colonies, and that a knowlegde of that superiority alone is necessary to stimulate them to rebellion. Of this the insurrection in Barbadoes is adundantly illustrative, though the Reviewer affects to treat it as a meal mob." But of this hereafter.-The history of the West Indies, like that of India, shews the effect of opinion. Let the spell be once broken, and the power of the few must cease. In expressing this sentiment, it is far from our wish to oppose any practical good that can be proposed for the slaves; on the contrary, we should be its warmest advo cates. We do not object to Registry Bills in the colonies, because they may guard against crime, but we object to their being enacted by the British Parliament, as well as to the incessant attacks made by some Members of the African Institution against every man who happens to be possessed of colonial property. We object not to that which is good, but to that which is practically bad.

The Reviewer, with much labour, after battling with some straw arguments of his own creation on the incompetency of the British Parliament, proceeds to show, that the noninterference of the British Parliament in the proposed Registry Bill arose from various concurrent causes, which may have had their influence, but which did not act altogether, in the way which he represents. The real truth appears to be, that the British Government becoming sensible of the impropriety of leading the slaves to fancy that their interests are diametrically opposed to those of their masters, and also of the necessity of cementing the bonds of union between these two classes, determined on allowing the suggestions of the abolitionists to be conveyed to the colonial parliaments, who, by their adoption of them, have given a triumphant refutation of the charge, that they are disinclined to ameliorate the condition of the slaves. The Registry Bill, as it first appeared, was a libel on the whole of the colonies. It implied, that all had been concerned in an act previously declared to be felonious by the parent state. This has been most satisfactorily disproved. Was it to be wondered at, that men of character should repel such a charge? Or that they should oppose the progress of a bill which was apparently made only to stigmatize them? The colonial parliaments zealously opposed the progress of the general enactment of the British Parliament; but, whenever they were left to themselves, they have done all that could be wished. Jamaica, Barbadoes, Demerary, Berbice, and many of the smaller colonies, have passed registry bills, which have received the approbation of the most enlightened of the abolitionists; and it is more than probable that their example will be followed by every other colony.

The next Session of Parliament will probably prove, that parliamentary proceedings will not be instituted on slight grounds, even though unworthy attempts to clamour should be resort

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It is not our intention here to enter into any discussions of the history of the alarms with which the Reviewer has favoured the public. Party politics are too much intermingled with

cause

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them. But we feel it necessary to say a few words on the Barbadoes insurrection, which the Reviewer admits to have had a 66 somewhat better foundation in fact" than other alarms, besome outrages were committed by the slaves, and a number of lives were lost." Edin. Review, No 56. p. 348. The remainder of this passage is too remarkable to be passed over; we therefore extract it at length before making any comments:

"But this occurrence, unhappily not very rare, or of any very alarming importance in a slave colony, probably of no greater relative magnitude than a meal mob in this country, was described as the beginning of a negro war-a masaccre of the whitesa second St Domingo. It was imputed to notions of emancipation received from the language and measures of the abolition party; and, more especially, it was connected with the expectation of a registry act being passed, which the slaves, it was boldly asserted, had been taught to believe had their liberty for its object. We need not weary our readers with exposing the falsehood of these stories. A single fact puts them down, but a fact which could not, from the nature of the thing, be known at the time of the discussion. Nothing further was ever heard of this negro rebellion. Now, had the stories propagated respecting it been true, it is in the highest degree unlikely that any measures pursued by the Government at home, should have been able to quell it so entirely; but, at all events, something must have happened during the three or four months which elapsed between the insurrection breaking out and the arrival in Barbadoes of the parliamentary address and the royal proclamation, to which the West Indians are, by the course of their argument, compelled to ascribe the restoration of tranquillity."

That our readers may judge how far this insurrection resembled a meal mob, and whence it arose, we shall extract a full account of the mischief done, and the character which the insurrection in Barbadoes assumed, from a valuable though ill-digested compilation of facts, the accuracy of which can be abundantly proved.

"The insurrection, which took place on the evening of Sunday the 14th of April, was only a portion of the intended mischief. The general rising had been planned to take place on the night of the 17th following. Bridgetown was to have been set on fire in ten different places at once, and the whole city, with all the shipping, (to which they calculated the more helpless individuals of their victims would retire for refuge), was to be consumed. Every building, dwelling,

or cultivated field, throughout the island, was to have been laid in ashes. Under the most dreadful oaths, cemented by tasting human blood, they bound themselves to massacre all the white men and the white male children, and to reserve the white females for the more horrid fate of gratifying their lust. All the free coloured population were to be reduced to slavery, and compelled to work for their new masters. Their future emperor had built his throne he was to be crowned; and the two daughmidst human carnage. On smoking ruins

ters of Mr Braithwaite were destined for his companions at pleasure, with the rank of princesses of the blood. On a standard, taken with him, was inscribed Liberty and white wives.' Some were inscribed with the name of Wilberforce; others had in one place the figure of a white man hanging by the neck-in another the figure of a white woman kneeling, and imploring mercy from a black man and in a third the figures of a black crowned, with a white woman beside him. The impetuosity and intemperance, however, of their chief, who styled himself Franklin Pitt Washington,' rendered the plan (which would otherwise have been generally successful) in a great degree abortive, by commencing in a drunken frenzy his operations on the Sunday night, before his associates were aware. The insurgents stood the first fire from the regular troops, but fled upon the second volley. They conceived, that if the troops did not join them, they would at least not fire upon them, as the Prince Regent and Parliament, they said, were on their side. At one time they approached near the capital, and the report ran that they had actually entered it. Terror and dismay overspread the city, and the situation of the white females became peculiarly distressing. Their refuge was the shipping in the bay, on board of which they immediately fled. By the morning of Tuesday, the insurgents were dispersed, but not till three parishes were laid waste. From sixty to eighty estates were either destroyed, or very much injured. Two thousand hhds. of sugar ready for shipping were destroyed. Many hundreds of acres of canes were burnt down. The buildings were destroyed, and above 1000 slaves, it is calculated, have lost their lives. The loss of property is perhaps half a million sterling. The fatal Register Bill was the cause which more immediately urged them on, as they had been taught to believe by the more knowing and designing, that the King of Great Britain had made them all free, but that their masters refused to obey his orders. These orders, they were told, were in the possession of Sir James Leith, the commander of the forces, who was to emancipate them all, not only from slavery but from labour.”

We have no doubt that every candid man, on reading the preceding,

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