The first public movement of Mr. Jefferson, and "the one in all probability," says an able biographer, "whose spirit and object were most congenial to his heart," was the introduction of a bill in the Virginia Legislature "for the permission of the emancipation of slaves." "The moral intrepidity," continues his historian, "that could prompt him, a new member, and one of the youngest in the house, to rise from his seat with the composure of a martyr and propose" this measure "amidst a body of inexorable planters, gave an earnest of his future career too unequivocal to be misunderstood. It was an act of self-immolation worthy the best model of Sparta or Rome. He was himself a slaveholder, and from the immense inheritance to which he had succeeded, probably one of the largest in the house. He knew too that it was a measure of public odium, running counter to the strongest interests and most intractable prejudices of the ruling population; that it would draw upon him the keenest resentment of the wealthy and the great, who alone hold the keys of honour and preferment at home, besides banishing for ever all hope of favourable consideration with the government. In return for this array of sacrifices, he saw nothing await him but the satisfaction of an approving conscience and the distant commendation of an impartial posterity. He could have no possible motive but the honour of his country and the gratification of a warm and comprehensive benevolence. The bare announcement of the proposition gave a shock to the aristocracy of the house, which aroused their inmost alarms. It touched their sensibilities at a

most irritable point, and was rejected by a sudden and overwhelming vote. Indeed," continues this author, "it was but the glimmering of that principle which constituted the polar star of his (Mr. Jefferson's) whole destiny, and which afterward burst with such astonishing magnificence upon the world in that immortal manifesto of his country which proclaimed. that 'all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.'

"It was the primary development of the workings of a mind which comprehended within the mantle of its benignity every colour and condition of human existence, and which saw beyond the 'rivers of blood' and 'years of desolation,' which intervened, that enchanting vision which flashed upon his earliest musings and kindled his expiring energies. -the vision of emancipated man throughout the world."*

From this will be seen the sentiments of this great statesman, who lived where slavery existed, and knew much more of its effects than the noisy demagogues of the north, who are now attempting to justify or excuse it. He hoped that the emancipation of the slaves would take place with the consent of their masters. The mode of emancipa-. tion advocated by the abolitionists will appear from their published sentiments.† He well foresaw the deleterious influence which the existence of slavery must have upon the liberties of the whole nation. "Can the liberties of a nation," says he, "be ever

*Life, Writings, and Opinions of Thomas Jefferson, by Rayner. + See Appendix No. VII.

thought safe when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God?" We declare that "all men are born free and equal." But we see one half of the inhabitants of our country slaves, and becoming accustomed to this tyranny, we witness it with indifference-we suffer it, and at length approve and sanction it. We believe it right to hold the blacks in bondage. Upon inquiry we can find no difference between black and white, as respects their natural rights. We are therefore compelled to renounce the belief that man's personal freedom is the gift of God, and thus endanger the liberties of the whole nation.

In ordinary times, if any intelligent citizen of this republic, whether he resided north or south of the Potomac, should declare that he had nothing to do with the subject of slavery, his patriotism would be justly distrusted. The recent acts of cruelty and oppression which have brought a reproach upon our national character, and which have resulted directly or indirectly from slavery, have in a slight degree fulfilled what Jefferson foresaw would be its effects. The following extract, taken from a foreign paper of great respectability, will serve to show that foreigners are not unmindful of those occurrences which are bringing a reproach upon our character as a free people.

"For some time past we have received nothing but melancholy intelligence from the United States of America-scenes of disorder and bloodshed, which make us shudder. One would be led to sup

pose there were neither laws nor magistrates in that country. What is scarcely credible is, that it is not during the effervescence of a revolution that the people resort to acts of cruelty that fill us with horror, but in a time of profound peace, and under the authority of a constitution recognised by all, the sanctuary of private dwellings is violated. Nothing is heard of but devastation, massacres, and hangings. . . . . Instead of closing a gambling house in the regular manner, (provided such a course be justified by law,) or suffering them to remain undisturbed, when allowed by law, the people take upon themselves to execute what they call justice; that is to say, the house is besieged and carried by assault, and its inmates instantly put to death. What is worse, however, and is difficult for Europeans to understand, accustomed as we are, if not to perfect equality, at least to liberty, is the insurrection of the most democratic people on earth, in favour of slavery. The word emancipation alone, imprudently uttered, is a crime worthy of death. The unhappy offender is seized by the people, judged by the people, and the bloody sentence is executed by the people. It appears as if the magistrates do not dare to exercise against the people the authority derived from them. A nation which prides itself upon being the freest in the universe, is roused to madness: in favour of slavery; and in order to maintain it, commits acts which could scarcely be deemed justifiable even in defence of its most sacred rights. and independence. The cause of slavery, which is lost in every other country, is popular in America!!

The cruelties which are witnessed south of the Potomac, all intelligent and discerning minds must admit, are owing to the corrupting influence of slavery. If these acts of oppression were sanctioned by law, they would be more tolerable; but this is not always the case; American citizens, who have committed no wrong against the laws of their country, are often subjected to severe punishment; life and property are in many cases made to depend upon terms to which a man of honour and independence would scorn to submit-an abandonment of the right to speak his sentiments, the legitimate use of his reason.

Nor is this state of things confined to the slave-holding states. The oppressions which were witnessed there, may have been looked upon in other parts of the country at first, perhaps with horror, afterward with indifference, at length they are justified, and finally imitated and adopted, that attachment which exists between the different members of the republic, and the respect entertained by one, for the laws and institutions of the others, give to each an extensive influence over the whole. We may absurdly deny to the citizens of the north the right to exert their influence in ridding the country of slavery; but the influence and effects of slavery have been felt, and. will continue to be felt, in a rapidly increasing degree, in every part of the republic, from the borders: of the lakes to the Gulf of Mexico; and from the shores of the Atlantic to the Pacific coasts; even the savage tribes will not be entirely free from its influence. No class of individuals, however high