nudaunted freedom its concomitant. If you, generous reader, were to receive a personal injury from one professing to be your friend, surely you could not disregard it. But what is a personal indignity compared with an injury which is inflicted upon a whole nation? What is the welfare of one individual compared with that of millions? How much more then ought we to regard and correct those abuses which are gradually corrupting and transforming a government established "to promote our common welfare, and secure to ourselves and our posterity the blessings of liberty," into a powerful party engine, with which a few designing men achieve their conquest, and convert to their own aggrandizement the spoils of the vanquished; to condemn, in the most emphatic terms, and unfold to public view, the conduct of those men, who, under specious pretexts, employed to secure popular favour and support, are hewing away the last great pillar of our nation's safety. We are not to wait until our alarms are awakened by the sounding trumpet and glittering steel of a marshalled host of foreign invaders, or until we shall behold, seated upon a gorgeous throne, high and lifted up, the tyrant, clothed in all the habiliments of royalty, securely wielding the sceptre of oppression over us. But it is against silent and slow attacks, made by those who feign the highest regard for the interest of the people, that we ought to be constantly on our guard. Nor is it over the conduct of the ministers of the people alone that we are to watch with a jealous eye. It is the more fatal and ruinous tendency of lawless encroachments of popular violence that we have most to fear. But what language can express his guilt, who, “unmoved by passion or prejudice," but "peaceably," with a deliberate and fixed purpose, sets at naught the constitution and the law, and contemptuously tramples upon our dearest and most sacred rights? There is one suggestion further, which I desire may be well considered. We all know, that those who seek to do mischief on an extensive scale, endeavour in the most artful manner to conciliate and bring to their aid popular favour. There is a certain class of individuals in almost every community, who are invariably found on the side of these men. Now, it was a wise saying of an ancient philosopher, which every-day's experience has proved to be true, that a man's character may be known by the company he keeps. It is a truth as well settled, there can be no agreement between things opposite in their natures. If, therefore, it be true, (which we most religiously believe) that our government be founded upon the pure principles of philanthropy, virtue, and morality, and is best adapted to the wants of society, and calculated to promote their highest good, is it not natural to conclude, that the intelligent, moral, virtuous, and philanthropic portion of the community, those who are most active in promoting the welfare and happiness of their fellow-beings, with the hope of no other reward but the satisfaction which arises from a consciousness of doing well, are the friends of this government? And is it not equally natural to conclude, that those noted subjects of intemperance and vice, who live only to curse society with an immoral and pestiferous influence, and to add to human misery, are not the friends of this government? When these characters combine, can it be for any good purpose? When we see them prosecuting any purpose, whether political or otherwise, with a loud and clamorous zeal, may we not justly suspect that there is some evil lurking in their designs? When we see an individual invoking the aid of this class of the community, and deriving his support from them, verily we have reason to distrust the purity of his intentions. If this reasoning fails, it must inevitably follow, that our government, instead of depending upon the virtue and intelligence of the people for its support, can only be safe under the universal reign of ignorance and vice. And then it must also follow, that it is a vicious government; for there is no agreement between virtue and vice, nor can one be supported by the other. But it was barely a hint I intended. The point cannot be pursued further at pre sent. I cannot omit noticing in the beginning, the dangerous tendency of a most subtle artifice (I might say conspiracy), much employed of late by the enemies of the constitution. We are of ten told, that public opinion is the law of the land, and that to this we are bound to yield. By this cunning device, attempts are often made to destroy rights expressly guarantied by the constitution, even by the expression of public opinion in a single town, county, or state, in the primary assemblies of the people. We will suppose that those who originated this conspiracy, only contend that the expression of the opinions of a majority of the nation is to have the force of authority, and that we must conform to it. This is placing their doctrines in a more favourable light than the facts will warrant, and if in this light they prove to be false and subversive of true liberty, it will be unnecessary to exhibit their more odious features. The danger of committing the management of the affairs of state to the capricious impulse of primary assemblies, was not overlooked in the establishment of our government. Public opinion, it is true, legitimately expressed by legislative enactments, is binding. The constitution and law are the voice of the people, and are supremely obligatory upon all. We can recognise no other voice than this. But our enemies would deceive us by changing the names of things. What the constitution and laws forbid them to touch, they would take away by that which they call public opinion. What! shall the people tear from us, with one hand, that which they have freely given us with the other? What matters it whether we are bound with chains of iron or steel? If we are to be slaves, what matters it by what means we are deprived of liberty? Will the yoke of tyranny be more tolerable to bear when it is fastened to our necks by public opinion' If our rights are to depend upon the fluctuating opinions of the inhabitants of the ville, county, or state where we reside, then in deed is our constitution but a shadow, and the whole machinery of our government a mere farce. Those who thus deceive us, however they may vary their positions, and however plausible their pretences, have but one end in view at last; they would subvert our constitution, and accustom us to bear the yoke of tyranny under a false name. The present is a time which demands the utmost watchfulness of the friends of our country. The designs upon its liberties are of the most formidable and alarming character. But the people are asleep. A gentle voice seems to call to them, Awake, watch; you are surrounded by enemies in disguise; but yet they seem not to heed it. Shortly they may be saluted with this same friendly voice, saying, "Sleep on now and take your rest," your liberties are betrayed into the hands of your enemies. New-York, December 25, 1835. DEFENSOR. CONTENTS. Introduction-Inquiry into the origin of popular violence-Exe- cution of a number of American citizens, without trial-Seizure of the U. S. mail at Charleston, S. C., and the burning of its contents by the 'populace-The Postmaster at Charleston refuses to deliver certain papers to the persons entitled to them, and asks for instruc- tions from the Postmaster General-The Postmaster General does not condemn the act-Extract from the Evening Post in relation to Mr. Kendall's conduct-Mr. Gouverneur, Postmaster at New-York, refuses to forward certain papers according to the requirement of the law, and asks for instructions from Postmaster General— The latter approves the course Mr. Gouverneur has adopted-Re- marks upon the character and tendency of Mr. Kendall's conduct and sentiments-Extract from the Hartford Times in relation there- to-Mr. Kendall's new doctrines become popular with certain classes-Violence and insubordination ensues-The mob in Balti- more discharge their higher obligations-Amos Dresser's narrative Practice of the court of his honour, Judge Lynch-Law-break- History of the Anti-Slavery Convention-Preliminary sugges- of the Hon. Samuel Beardsley-The enforcement of the "pruden- 54 |