To Win the War

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PAST HISTORY REWRITTEN

(From "Life")

The world was to be finished in seven days, and the question arose as to who should have the contract. After some discussion it was agreed to place the order in the hands of two gentlemen, neither of whom had any authority to decide anything. One of these gentlemen, who had some expert knowledge of making worlds, having read several books on the subject and taken a course in college, secured the aerial space for a planet and proceeded with the initial construction. On the morning of the second day, however, he was rudely interrupted by a message from the second gentleman, who stated that he had just been informed of a number of improvements that must be incorporated into the original scheme. On the morning of the third day these were countermanded and a complete new set substituted. This required making a fresh start. At the end of three months, the world not having yet been begun, some one suggested that possibly any world, rather than none at all, would have been better, and telephoned to headquarters. This led to the famous order that any one in the universe who dared to say anything derogatory to the Administration would be considered as giving aid and comfort to the enemy.

PHANTOMS

BY WILLIAM HAMILTON OSBORNE, OF THE VIGILANTES

In Seattle, Washington, during one of the Red Cross Drives, I was one of an audience of three thousand people that crowded a huge motion-picture theater on a Saturday night There was a special appeal made from the platform for immediate contributions. The result of this appeal was the immediate subscription of thirty thousand dollars-or ten dollars a head, for every man, woman, and child in the audience. As that large audience surged out into the brilliantly lighted street, I noted that the street was occupied by a goodly company of soldiers, drawn up at attention, saluting the audience as it went by. There must have been five hundred of them. I stepped to the curbstone and approached the commanding officer, who saluted as I

came.

"Who," I queried, "are these menwhat are they doing here?"

The officer smiled-his eyes flashed. "These," he said, "are the five hundred members of the National Army whose lives are going to be saved because your audience this evening contributed thirty thousand dollars to the Red Cross Fund."

He finished speaking to me. He turned and gave an order. On the instant the five hundred soldiers vanished into thin air. And then I realized that they weren't there -they hadn't been there at all, save in my imagination. They were phantoms.

But-were they phantoms? Do they exist? They were not in that street ranged up before that theater-are they anywhere? They are not phantoms-they do existand they are somewhere to-day, either in the trenches or about to enter them. They may be in France-they may be here, but they are real, those five hundred men whose lives will be saved by that audience who subscribed that evening their average of ten dollars apiece. How many men are there whose lives will not be saved because there's nobody to put up the cash? Are they phantoms, too? Let us hope they are.

THE PRESIDENT MAKES TAXES ATTRACTIVE

In an eloquent and persuasive address to Congress on Monday of last week President Wilson laid before Congress and the people the task that lies ahead of them in providing money for the war. Taxation is an intricate and difficult subject and has been made unnecessarily intricate and difficult by the laws which Congress has passed; and it is proof of the earnestness and fighting spirit of the American people that they have paid their taxes cheerfully even while protesting against the complexity and inequality of the tax laws. Now the President has found it necessary to tell the people that they will have to pay more taxes, and he has done it in a way to evoke a patriotic and even enthusiastic response. He has placed the payment of taxes on the high level of service to the country and the cause for which we are fighting. And he has reconciled Congress to the disagreeable duty of laboring over a tax bill in the heat of a Washington summer while Congressional elections approach. The reason for the President's effectiveness in this speech is that by it he has made even clearer than in his Red Cross speech in New York that he is bent on leading this country to victory, and he expects the country to te powerful and united.

Recognizing the weariness that must be consequent upon the almost continuous sessions of Congress since months before we entered the war, and the natural inclination for members of Congress to wish to be in their home districts as elections draw near, the President told Congress that "we dare not go to the elections until we have done our duty to the full," and that the facts are tonic and suffice to freshen the labor.'

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There are two duties that the President has laid before Congress: one is to prepare the tax for next year early, so that the people may know how much of their earnings of this year they must lay aside for the Government's use; the other is to remedy the inequalities which mar the present Tax Law.

Warning the country that the four billions now provided for by taxation will not be enough to meet the increasing cost of the war, and that raising too large a proportion of revenues by loans would cause demoralizing inflation, the President does not attempt to go into details by telling Congress, for example, whether it should pass an additional revenue law or should make a new tax law that would take the place of the existing law, but contents himself with pointing out three objects of taxation-incomes, war profits, and luxuries.

He was emphatic in stating that the way to deal with profiteers is to take their war profits by taxation and remain deaf to the profiteers' lobbyists.

There is no doubt that the duty of Congress is not to add an ell to the present tax structure, but to tear the present one down and build a new one in its place; and we think this is a fair inference from what the President says.

At this time, which the President called "the very peak and crisis" of the war, when "hundreds and thousands of our men, carrying our hearts with them and our fortunes, are in the field, and ships are crowding faster and faster to the ports of France and England with regiment after regiment, thousand after thousand, to join them until the enemy shall be beaten and brought to reckoning with mankind," at this time especially when the expected drive on the western front has begun, the President found a fitting occasion to impress it upon Congress that there must be "no pause or intermission," and that our ship programme, our munition programme, our programme for making millions of men ready, are mere plans upon paper unless there is to be an unquestionable supply of money."

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In calling Congress to the arduous task of providing this

supply, the President made it plain that the people of the country are worthy of Congress's trust. "Politics is adjourned," said the President. "The elections will go to those who think least of it; to those who go to the constituencies without explanation or excuses, with a plain record of duty faithfully and disinterestedly performed.... The people of this country are not only united in the resolute purpose to win this war, but are ready and willing to bear any burden and undergo any sacrifice that it may be necessary for them to bear in order to win it. We need not be afraid to tax them, if we lay taxes justly.

...

I have always been proud to be an American, and was never more proud than now, when all that we have said and all that we have foreseen about our people is coming true. The great days have come when they see at last the high uses for which their wealth has been piled up and their mighty power accumulated, and counting neither blood nor treasure, now that their final day of opportunity has come, rejoice to spend and to be spent through a long night of suffering and terror, in order that they and men everywhere may see the dawn of a day of righteousness and justice and peace."

MEN OF DRAFT AGE TO FIGHT OR DO REAL WORK

The phrase generally employed to describe the new order of Provost-Marshal Crowder is brief and forceful.. But "work or fight" does not precisely describe the scope of the order. Its purpose is to secure for the country the services of all men who are of the draft age. They must either enter military or naval service or they must do some form of work which is distinctly of value to the country in its war effort. This means that young men of the draft age, but exempt from going to the front because of physical inability or dependent families, must be employed in doing things that are necessary either directly to push the war or to provide those useful things which civilians must have. As a matter of course, those who are exempted from fighting be cause they are already at work in providing what is necessary for war are not affected by the order. There are many forms of employment which are perfectly proper and often commendable, but which are not of economic or war consequence. In these employments it will now be necessary to use men who are not within the limits of the draft age-that is, between twenty-one and thirty-one.

Just how far this distinction will be carried is not certain. Probably the rule will become more and more drastic as time goes on. The new provision becomes effective on July 1. One effect will undoubtedly be to expand the number of forms of work in which women may be properly and efficiently utilized. In England, as is well known, this has been carried to an astonishing extent. Another effect which will be distinctly beneficial and much needed will be to "comb out" idlers and loafers, and thereby do for the Nation as a whole what is being done by the special laws which have been passed by some Statesof which we speak on the next page.

Among the classes of service in which the young man of draft age will not be allowed to work are those of clerks, store salesmen, domestic servants, waiters, elevator men, bartenders, footmen, butlers, kitchen helpers. Actors are specifically exempted; baseball, the next most popular recreation to the theater, is not. Another class subject to this order is rightly and positively noted as that of idlers. This includes also gamblers of all kinds, employees of bucket shops and race-tracks, fortune-tellers, and palmists. We do not imagine that the Government will find very many thousand young men in this class; but, however many

of them there may be, and however difficult it may be to lay hands on them, every one heartily hopes that they will quickly be in khaki or in overalls.

The country will accept the new plan, although with perhaps a little grumbling because of the undoubted inconvenience involved. The universal purpose of the American people is to win the war. There has been almost a total disappearance of the element of objectors and lukewarm upholders of the flag. One evidence of the change for the better in this respect is the cheerfulness with which inconveniences and minor deprivations are now accepted.

NEW YORK'S ANTI-LOAFING LAW

Besides having to be prepared to adapt himself to General Crowder's order after July 1, the idler in New York State after June 1 will have to beware of the police and other peace officers. This is the result of a statute which illustrates the fact that legislation in one State not infrequently affects a neigh boring State. This has just been shown by the experience of the New York City Mission Society. It has a Bowery missionary whose prime duty it is to minister to the lodging-house population. In the Bowery, between Cooper Union and Chatham Square, the lodging-houses have about seven thousand beds for men. In the winter those beds are always full. Last winter, however, the Bowery missionary reported repeatedly that the lodging-houses were half empty. This was doubtless owing to the fact that in this present period any capable man can find work. About six weeks ago, however, the Bowery missionary reported that the lodging-houses were crammed full." When asked why, he replied: "Jersey legislation." This meant that under the new anti-loafing and compulsory labor law of that State a large part of the New Jersey crowd that did not relish steady work had emigrated to New York City, where it might pick up odd jobs and rest betweentimes.

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The number of loafers, not only in New York City, but also throughout New York State, since the New Jersey anti-loafing law went into effect has perceptibly increased. It will be, therefore, a satisfaction to citizens of the Empire State to realize that now they have an anti-loafing law of their own. Governor Whitman's signing of the necessary legislation was the prompter because, as he says: "I am informed that if this bill is not signed, many undesirable persons will continue to come to this State from New Jersey in order to escape the operation of the law in that State."

The New York State Act is modeled in many of its features on the laws now in effect in other States. Like those in Maryland and New Jersey, it applies to men between the ages of eighteen and fifty-the West Virginia law is more drastic, the ages being from sixteen to sixty. By the provisions of the New York State Act, every man in New York State (and, according to the Act, any male person found in the State is a resident) between the age limits mentioned must be able to prove that he is engaged in some lawful, useful, and recognized occupation. The only exempt classes are students preparing themselves for a definite occupation and workmen out of employment because of temporary labor differences. But no person is excused from accepting employment on the ground that the compensation is inadequate if the wage is that usually paid in the locality for that class of work. Persons of wealth are not excused from work, and the State Industrial Commission may assign them to tasks if they plead ample income as a reason for non-employ

ment.

In particular, loitering in streets, saloons, depots, hotels, pool-rooms, and other places of congregation will be considered prima facie evidence of violation of the law. Penalties are a fine of $100 or three months in jail, or both.

The Act should immediately interest those who make their living by gambling or by selling drugs, as well as the so-called "lounge lizards," station loiterers, confidence men, "cadets," corner gangsters, and hotel rounders.

New York State and New York City are liable to become uncomfortable instead of comfortable places of residence for these persons. There is no other State or city in the whole country, we believe, where the operation of an anti-loafing and compulsory labor law will be more welcome.

THE NEW BATTLE OF THE AISNE

At last, on May 27, the Germans have attacked anew and in a new quarter-on the Aisne front.

The offensive was, in fact, a double one, for simultaneously German forces struck at a vital spot in the defensive line in Flanders, on the line between Locre and Ypres, and near to the former place. If the enemy penetrates this line, a comparatively open road lies before him toward the sea. But a serious attack here by the Germans on April 29 was so battered back and smashed by the Allies that it is quite likely that the attack in this section on May 27 was more or less of a cover, and that the attack in the south was the main object. At all events, up to May 28 the attack in Flanders has been of no avail.

The battle of the Aisne is still going on as we write. Field Marshal Haig reports on May 28 that the enemy's attack had carried him across the Aisne to the west of the British sector, and that the enemy was developing attacks of great strength on the whole Aisne front. General Foch is said to be throwing in his reserves at the juncture of the British and French forces. Apparently the German attack is along a front of about twenty miles, and the farthest depth of advance at this writing has been five or six miles. The Germans claim to have occupied the entire Chemin-des-Dames, the famous highway which runs east and west parallel to and just north of the Aisne River. Over this "Ladies' Road" the French and Germans have fought desperately more than once in the past.

It is too early to predict results or to analyze motives as to this new offensive. The number of divisions engaged and the length of the front do not favor the theory, still held by some, that the entire attack is a blind to a new offensive in Picardy or Flanders. On the other hand, it would be hard to co-ordinate German gains made in the Aisne sector with their former gains farther north. Indeed, it may be argued that the present offensive indicates that the Germans have given up for the present the project of pushing through to the coast, and that they are trying to impress the world and divert attention from a substantial failure in the north by attacking fiercely in a region where, to use a commercial expression, "they can make the best show with the least cost."

It may be that the German people at home will take the gains here as promise of a new march on Paris, which is only fifty-five miles from Soissons, not far south of the Aisne. But others will remember that Germany has been south of the Aisne before-yes, and south of the Marne also-and that at the same time she was then in possession of Amiens. The Allies drove her back then, and believe that they may and will drive her back again. Every one knows that the defection of Russia meant an expansion of Germany's man power and gun power on the west this summer. The Allies have for the present the hard and trying part of holding firm, fighting for every inch of ground, and biding their time until the added weight of America's "force to the utmost," to use President Wilson's words, has become a mighty factor.

OTHER WAR HAPPENINGS OF A WEEK

Apart from the new German attacks, the war news of the week contained the record of incidents both encouraging and sorrowful. Thus, the torpedoing by submarine of the British transport Moldavia in the southern part of the English Channel involved a total loss of fifty-five American soldiers, two of whom were non-commissioned officers. The Moldavia was carrying about five hundred soldiers, but whether she was on her way from England to France, as was at first said, or was proceeding in another direction, has not been officially told. The American soldiers who were lost were in the depths of the ship near the part pierced by the torpedo. They had no possibility of escape. As the attack took place in the night, it appears that they should not have been in this part of the ship, and should not have been allowed to be there, because one of the primary rules of transporting troops 18 that soldiers must be on deck or as near to it as it is possible to be when the ship is passing through submarine-infested waters.

There have been extremely favorable reports of the progress made by the Allies in combating the submarine menace. There