is no doubt whatever that the proportion of losses of ships is decreasing, while that of losses of submarines is increasing. A recent despatch from London gives the welcome information that the total tonnage of ship construction is now rapidly approaching that of the tonnage destroyed, and may, indeed, already have equaled it.

Another recent war incident should never be forgotten. The attack upon British hospitals behind the lines by German airplanes made on May 19 was not by any means the first attack of its kind. It was, however, of peculiar atrocity. A large fleet of German airplanes deliberately, as seems certain, dropped seems certain, dropped scores of huge bombs on hospital grounds and buildings. The whole great field in which the hospitals are situated is marked with the utmost plainness. It is incredible that the Germans did not recognize the signs. Moreover, not satisfied with the first attack, the airplanes returned a second time and bombed hospitals filled with wounded men. Two at least of the nurses were killed outright, and many of them, as well as several doctors and a considerable number of the patients, were wounded. The captain of one of the German airplanes, which was brought down by gun-fire, said: "If the British build their hospitals near railways, they must expect to get them bombed." This callous remark is almost equivalent to saying that there should be no hospitals, for the whole country in that vicinity is crisscrossed by railways.

Discussion still continues as to the number of American soldiers abroad. What seems to be a press despatch approved by the authorities in Washington declares that the United States will have a million men in France by July 1, and another similar statement indicates that about seven hundred thousand men are over there now. This of course includes large numbers of men who are now destined for the fighting line. On the other hand, it is quite probable that the recent statement by Lloyd George which has attracted so much attention referred to combatants only. Mr. Lloyd George's statement, as reported in despatches from Edinburgh, where he made the address in which the remark occurred, was that," while the United States was rushing its men into France, the present strength of those armies was not the equivalent of one-fifth of the fighting strength which was gained by the Teutonic allies through the collapse of Russia."

One bit of war intelligence of the week will rejoice the many American friends and admirers of Captain Norman Hall, the aviator and the author of " Kitchener's Mob," of "High Adventure," now appearing in the "Atlantic Monthly," and of many other notably fine war articles, one of which we had the pleasure of printing in The Outlook. Captain Hall had been missing for some time, and it had been supposed that he had met his death over the German lines. It now appears that he was wounded, but not fatally, and that he is a prisoner in Germany. This is the second time that a report of Captain Hall's death in action has proved incorrect.

GENERAL WOOD

Americans, without distinction of party, we believe, will be disappointed at the report that the War Department has relieved General Wood of the active command of the Eightyninth Division of the National Army and assigned him to the command of the Western Department, with headquarters at the Presidio, San Francisco. His new command is almost wholly administrative, and he is thus relieved of active military duties in France. The New York "World," whose political sympathies are strongly with the Administration, has made the following editorial comment :

The news that General Leonard Wood is to be kept in this country while the division whose training he is completing will go abroad under his second in command will give every fair minded man a bad taste in the mouth.

General Wood has undoubtedly been offensive in his attitude. toward the Administration and the military high command. But that aggressive antagonism should have been punished either by court-martial or not at all-certainly not by permanent internment in the United States.

General Wood may not be the genius that many of his supporters consider him, but well over one hundred generals have now gone abroad, and there must certainly be some among this

number with whose military talents those of General Wood can favorably compare.

agree.

With the protest involved in this comment we think a very large majority of Americans, without regard to party, will We hope that before this issue reaches its readers the President-who has declared that " politics is adjourned "—will have overruled the decision of the War Department and will have decided to make use of General Wood's abilities in a way that will be at least approximately adequate. In the meantime the country will admire the spirit in which General Wood has accepted what must be a profound disappointment to him. His only comment upon the order which has suddenly removed him from active military service in the war was: "I am a soldier and stand ready to obey any order that is given me."

ITALY THREE YEARS IN WAR

Three years ago, on May 24, 1915, Italy entered the ranks of the Allies. There never was any hesitation in Italy as to the question whether she was bound to Germany by the Triple Alliance. The most vital conditions of that alliance had been contemptuously broken by Germany and Austria. So far as Italy hesitated at all, it was as to whether her duty and national future called upon her to be neutral or to fight Germany and Austria. The decision followed an Allied reverse (at the Dujanec), and that alone gave the lie to the German sneer that Italy was "waiting to see which way the cat jumped." From the beginning Italy's armies fought brilliantly, and especially have achieved marvels in the conquest of difficult positions in the Alps. Again, after the disaster last fall, caused largely by German intrigue and falsehood, the Italian army rallied splendidly, and it has ever since held a line of defense which at first seemed impossible.

It is a matter of congratulation that the anniversary of the Italian entry into the war comes just after the news that Italy's strength is so far restored that she is able to give valuable asistance in the great struggle which is going on on the western front. Reports just received state that the Italian contingent now on that front is a splendid body of men, and that their strength is the reverse of negligible. At the same time comes the welcome news that American troops are soon to appear on the Italian fighting line along the Piave. Secretary Lansing, commenting on President Wilson's telegram of congratulation to the Italian people, said: "To-day America, youngest of the great Powers of the earth, is proud to cross the seas and to stand side by side with the most ancient Power of Europe in upholding the standard of democracy."

The anniversary was celebrated with enthusiasm by Italians all over the world. The demonstration in New York was notably beautiful. The parade included a large number of automobiles profusely decorated with flowers and with the Italian colors. Incidentally it brought home to most of the Americans the fact that we have an exceedingly large number of Italian people in this country who are refined, cultivated, and valuable citizens, many of them holding commercial and financial occupations of importance.

Welcome, doubly welcome at this time, is the word that Italy has come to an understanding with the Slavs as to their mutual relations. The fact that on the Adriatic littoral there are both Italians and Slavs under Austrian rule has been an occasion for friction between the Slavic and Italian peoples, who ought to be allies. Now that Russia has disappeared as a protector of the Slavs under alien masters, Italy takes her place. Italy's action now justifies the faith that we have had in her.

An interesting development of the friendly relations between Italy and America is seen in the report just issued of the work of the "American Poets' Ambulances in Italy." This work has been carried on here by a committee of which Mr. Robert Underwood Johnson is the chairman. It has been able, through association with a similar committee in Italy, and more lately through the agency of the American Red Cross, to raise over $175,000, which has been expended in the purchase of a hundred ambulances and accessories, in hospital equipment, and in the necessary administration expenses.

A peculiarly pleasing feature of this work has been the naming of the individual ambulances by the donors in honor of

American or English poets or other famous men and women lovers of Italy and the Allies' cause, or of Italian heroes. Thus, to take a few only of the names of the cars, we find Mark Twain, Phillips Brooks, Alan Seeger, Dante, Edith Cavell, Victor Chapman, Cardinal Mercier, Garibaldi, and Woodrow Wilson, while one, we note, is named in honor of St. Mark's of Venice, and another in honor of the Women of Italy.

THE RED CROSS DRIVE: THE NATION'S RESPONSE

There never was any doubt that the call of the American Red Cross for a second contribution of one hundred million dollars would be met, and more than met, by the people. But it was a triumph of spontaneous enthusiasm that the total should come not very far from one hundred and fifty million dollars. As we write the figures given are $143,422,645, but the record is not complete and may be materially increased. New York City alone gave about a third of the one hundred millions originally asked; if the whole country had given as much in proportion to population as New York City did, the total would have been at least five hundred million dollars. That, of course, would be unthinkable; there are obvious reasons why New York, with all its large financial and business interests, should contribute out of proportion to the total. The actual sum raised in the metropolis, with the record incomplete, was nearly or quite thirty-five million dollars-that is, ten millions beyond the amount set as New York's goal. Every State in the country over-subscribed its "quota," with the single exception of Illinois. And every division in the country over-subscribed its quota except that in which Illinois is situated.

The rejoicing over the result has been Nation-wide. The spirit and feeling of the campaign have been perhaps the most notable evidence of the year that the people are now united in one common purpose-to win the war and to honor, protect, and care for the soldier and sailor. In this Red Cross effort men, women, and children in countless thousands offered their services in the drive, while citizens of every degree of prosperity and of every nationality poured forth treasure, not merely cheerfully, but eagerly. The tone of the campaign from beginning to end showed that the central thought was not to give to the Red Cross, but to help through the Red Cross.

The planning and execution of the gigantic machinery for the collection of the new fund were each a marvel of skill and intelligence. The appeal of the posters, the convincing statements of the full pages of newspapers devoted to the cause, the intricate and yet workable organization for collecting the money, the use of speakers in every twn and almost on every street corner, the unique and original methods of personal appeal-all this showed excutive ability on a scale larger than that needed to conduc the affairs of many a small nation, and with a mastery of detail which might well be emulated in every department of our Governmental activities.

The scope of its work was well expressed by Mr. Lloyd George in a letter to the American Ambassador in London, made public during the recent drive. The British Prime Minister, after acknowledging the munificent donations made by the American Red Cross to the British Red Cross, said: "It was one of the first American organizations to begin to serve humanity in this war. The work it has done, not only in succoring wounded, but in sheltering and saving women and children in all countries stricken by war, is beyond all computation. From the moment of the massacre of Serbia its work has grown like the mustard seed until it is now one of the great humane institutions in the world."

A TIMELY WARNING

We have received from a responsible officer of the Young Women's Christian Association of New York a letter from which we make the following quotation:

It is my privilege to be doing some social service among selfsupporting girls; fifty per cent of these girls are earning eight dollars, or less, a week in factories. During our recent Liberty Loan drive these factories were canvassed, and, to quote one of the many instances under my particular notice, one girl who was earning $6 a week was compelled to buy a bond, the coercion

being in a notice from the employer that no girl need report for duty the next day unless she purchased. Two dollars were extracted from her week's wages for the first payment-with the information that one dollar would be taken from her envelope during each of the remaining forty-eight weeks! Is this Liberty Bond-or bondage? Another girl in the same factory, though earning considerably more, is supporting a family of ten while her father is fighting in Italy. This practice was followed throughout our factories, and a girl must comply or lose her position.

We are still gasping from that experience, and the Red Cross "drive" is upon us. Is this going to extract what the six-dollar girl has left when she has paid her weekly board and bond? Cannot something be done to stop this evil in a noble cause?

In sending this letter our correspondent says that she does it at the risk of being called unpatriotic. On the contrary, we consider that her attitude is wholly patriotic. The encouraging thing is that, while there have undoubtedly been instances of this kind of injustice in connection with the Liberty Loan sales, we believe they have been so few as to be almost negligible. We know of some instances where industrial workers have had to be restrained from giving too large a proportion of their income to support the war. Our correspondent's letter is timely because it will bring the attention of the heads of great industrial corporations to the possible danger that some subordinates with mistaken zeal may ignore personal circumstances in their enthusiastic endeavor to raise the largest sums they can for winthe-war purposes. To remedy the evil we think it necessary only to mention it in this way.

LYNCHING

Lynching is recognized by an increasing number of people as a danger to National safety and to success in the war. At first it does not seem that there can be very close connection between an act of lawlessness in a remote American rural community and a victory on the battlefields of France. Nothing, however, is within the range of possibility. Among the troops that are is more certain than that a very close connection between the two going to the other side are Americans of Negro blood. That American Negroes make fine soldiers no one can doubt who has read the testimony of such an officer, for example, as General Bell, quoted in Lieutenant McKaine's article on "The Buffaloes" in The Outlook for May 22. The patriotism of these Negroes has been tested and their morale has been praised. It is treason to the country to do anything which will take the heart out of these men and make them feel that they have no country. Is there anything that would be more likely to do that than to allow Negroes at home to be murdered by mobs?

Southern people who know the Negro perhaps better than e people of any other part of the country, because they have seen more of them, are the most vigorous in the expression of this need for the suppression of the evil of lynching. One of the most recent instances of Southern remonstrance against this evil, which is not confined to any one section, is the passage on May 14 of the following resolution by the Tennessee Conference of Charities and Correction, which met in Memphis:

Whereas, the excitement connected with this stupendous war appears to have undermined the self-control of some of the American people to such an extent that lynchings seem to be occurring with increasing frequency; and

Whereas, such occurrences are incompatible with the principles of justice and democracy, for which we are fighting; and Whereas, the lynching of men of one blood or race by those of another is not at this time an ordinary act of lawlessness which may be left to the local authorities, but strikes at the very root of our National solidarity and efficiency by raising issues of race and of blood among our own people, and will inevitably increase the length of the war and the cost in dead and wounded we will have to pay for victory, and thus give aid and comfort to the enemy; and

Whereas, we do not believe those guilty of this lawlessness realize the treasonable effect of their acts;

Now, therefore, the Tennessee Conference of Charities and Correction, in Convention assembled, does hereby respectfully petition the President of the United States to issue a proclamation to the American people on the subject; and

Whereas such acts do in fact amount to crimes against the Nation, we do further petition Congress to pass an Act so

declaring and giving Federal Grand Juries and Courts the right to indict and try those charged therewith.

Another instance occurred in the preceding month when the following telegram was sent by Bolton Smith, Secretary of the Tennessee Law and Order League, and addressed to the Governor of Tennessee, the Hon. T. C. Rye:

The lynching of Berry Noyes at Lexington, Tennessee, yesterday can but sow disunion among our people, undermine the morale of our Negro troops, and lessen the effectiveness of our propaganda among the colored people for food production and conservation. It will therefore tend to prolong the war and increase the price in dead and wounded we will have to pay for victory. I have been visiting the camp here and have witnessed the self-sacrifice of our splendid young men who are preparing to risk all for us. It is strange our own people will not help them by exercising the self-control necessary to give the Negro charged with crime such a trial as our own laws provide. The Government of the United States is controlled by Southern men. It has called the Negro to the defense of the colors, and the American people will demand that the race thus honored shall be granted the justice of a fair trial when accused of crime. We all know that when guilty there is no doubt of full punishment. The Lexington lynching group cannot have realized the extent to which their act furnishes aid and comfort to the enemy. As Secretary of the Tennessee Law and Order League, organized to stop lynching, I urge you to issue a proclamation to our people pointing out the treasonable effect of such acts, and that you call upon the President of the United States, as Commander of the Nation, to reinforce your words, for it is plain we are threatened with a Nation-wide increase of this crime.

The suggestion in this telegram that the President issue a proclamation is one which we trust the President has not only taken under advisement but has received with approval. We hope he will act upon it. With the Southern Democratic group in power in Congress, with a President in the White House who is a native of the South, and with this urgent suggestion coming from the South, it is clear that any such proclamation would be in no sense a reflection upon that section of the country.

THE LATEST MANIFESTATION OF PRUSSIANISM

The daily papers announce that a German commission appointed to examine the decline in the birth rate in Germany has reported a recommendation for the compulsory marriage of Germans before their twentieth year is passed, with a provision of financial assistance to those who need it and penalties for those who refuse to comply, and penalties also for married couples who remain childless.

This is the latest, though it may not be the last, manifestation of Prussianism.

Henry Drummond has said that love is the greatest thing in the world. Love has mitigated the horrors of war and sent the Red Cross with its missions of mercy to tent on the battlefields by the side of the soldier; it has provided for the lame, the blind, the weak-minded, and the various handicapped in peace; it has created within the nation the spirit of regard for each other's rights and of respect for each other's opinions-the spiritual basis of democracy; it has leaped over national boundaries, and by inspiring mutual regard and respect among men of different races and nationalities has begun to create a spirit of international brotherhood; it has expelled the spirit of abject fear from religion and substituted the spirit of loyalty and reverence; and it has proved itself the bond of perfectness in creating the family, the foundation of all social civilization, and the nursing place of love in all its various forms as justice, pity, and mercy.

Prussianism has abolished humanity from war and substituted terrorism, veiling its cruelty by a pretense that the greater the terrorism the sooner the war will be over; it has avowed its disbelief in aid to the handicapped, and declared that the best service which can be rendered to the unfortunate in society is to facilitate and expedite their suicide; it has proclaimed itself the inveterate foe of liberty, equality, and fraternity, and has taken up arms to abolish democracy from the earth; it has denied that there is or should be any fellowship of nations, and declared that "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself" does

not mean that men of different nationalities are to have any feeling of good will toward each other; it has endeavored to drive love from the pulpit, and for loyal love for a heavenly Father, God of love, it has sought to substitute abject fear for Ödin, god of force; and now it proposes to abolish love as the bond of perfectness from the home life and make the family merely a means for breeding soldiers for the state. What further step toward making barbarians of all Germans Prussianism can take it is difficult to see, unless it should adopt the legislation which Plutarch attributes to the Spartans, and teach its young men to murder peaceful laborers in time of peace in order to accustom them to brutality in time of war.

THE SOLDIER'S FUTURE

Casualty lists are steadily lengthening as America goes into the war. Many of the wounded, unfit for combat duty, may yet be returned to active service in the industry of the Nation, provided they are given proper treatment and careful training. Re-education and reconstruction work for crippled soldiers is occupying the attention not only of doctors, but of teachers and lawmakers. Two bills have been introduced in Congress dealing with the subject. At the recent meeting of the American Orthopædist Association in Washington "occupational therapy" was one of the main topics of discussion, along with an exhibit of embroidery, drawing, wood-carving, and basketry-the work of wounded soldiers in the Walter Reed Hospital of the city.

No argument exists as to the need of occupational training for crippled men. It is an obvious fact that a maimed or partially paralyzed boy will grow well sooner if he is able to create or fashion something. The mental stimulus of occupation is more important even to the sick than to the strong. But discussion centers around the question whether "bedside occupational therapy" should begin with embroidery, knitting, beadwork, and such kindred amusements, or whether the patient shall without delay be instructed in a trade which will, when he is well, relate him directly to industry and make him liable to competition with the unhurt.

"Offer a wounded soldier beadwork or raffia braiding and he will want to die," said Miss Evelyn Goldsmith, one of the foremost teachers of cripples in this country. "Soldiers who are maimed and broken are like crippled children. They want to be taught something which will give them a chance to earn their living. They must not be made to feel that they belong to a class apart, objects of pity and charity. After the war we must not have a single crippled soldier begging on our streets; and we must begin at once to train teachers to direct the work."

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Schools certified by the Surgeon-General of the Army are being opened throughout the country for training women as reconstruction aides in military hospitals." Boston has a particularly good one, with a twelve weeks' term. The National Service School in Washington has included an intensive reconstruction course which is of but three weeks' duration. St. Louis, New York, and Chicago are following suit.

There will be little difficulty in obtaining the women to become teachers. The trouble lies in the number of organizations which want control of the situation. Already a conference has been held through which it is hoped that harmony and a working arrangement will result. Representatives were present from the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Federation of Labor, Department of Labor, Department of Agriculture, the Bureau of Education, the Federal Board of Vocational Education, the Surgeons-General of the Army and Navy, and the War Risk Bureau of the Treasury Depart

ment.

All of these organizations are interested in different ways. The Department of Labor and the Labor Federation chiefs are interested in placing men in proper industries, while the manufacturers' associations and insurance societies are involved under the Employers' Liability Laws and the Workmen's Compensation Acts in force in a majority of States. The Federal Board of Vocational Education is peculiarly equipped to train men for trades and mechanical operations. The bill introduced by Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, provides that only medical

work shall be in charge of the Surgeons-General, and all vocational training be under the direction of the Federal Board.

G

THE RAILWAYS

OVERNMENT operation of our steam railways is now in full swing. What has happened is that our railways have been consolidated for purposes of operation into one gigantic United States system; that this system has been divided into five departments or regions-the Southern Region, the Western Region, the Alleghany Region, the Pocahontas Region, and the Eastern Region; that as the operating head of each region there has been appointed a Government officer called the Regional Director; that these directors report to Mr. McAdoo, the Director-General of Railways in Washington; that under each regional director is a Federal manager for each railway property or railway corporation doing business in the Federal region within which the property lies. For example, Mr. A. H. Smith, formerly President of the New York Central Railway, is Regional Director of the Eastern Region. Under his charge are not only the New York Central and some other railways in the Central Eastern States, but all the railways of New England. Each of the New England railways which has a separate property has a Federal manager, who reports directly to Mr. Smith. Thus the new operating system of our railways may be likened to the Army of the United States with its various departments, and with a general in command of each department, who reports to the Chief of Staff at Washington. Or it may be compared to the Federal Reserve Bank System, under which the country is divided into regions with a director responsible for each region. Details of this new plan of Government operation have yet to be perfected, but the general plan is in operation, and is working well. Mr. McAdoo, the Director-General of Railways, has just announced that there is to be an increase of wages to railway employees amounting to about $300,000,000 annually, and that there is also to be an increase of passenger fares and freight rates which, it is estimated, will amount to about $900,000,000 annually. The wages increase is based on the report of the Wages Commission, headed by Secretary Lane, the gist of which we printed in The Outlook of May 22.

There are three points suggested by the announcement of increased rates and wages which we think should have special emphasis.

The first is that the country at large has accepted this gigantic change from a privately to a publicly operated railway system with extraordinary cheerfulness and calm. It would be difficult to cite any other peaceful industrial revolution of such proportions which has occurred in our time anywhere in the civilized world.

Second, the public will pay the increased rates cheerfully because it trusts the Government. Shippers and travelers have objected in the past to increases of rates and fares because they either consciously or sub-consciously felt that the increases were going ultimately into the pocketbooks of a privileged class. In some instances this feeling was just, and in others unjust. But what we should bear in mind is that to-day the public readily accepts the increases because it takes the Government's word that they are necessary for win-the-war efficiency and for the general public good.

In the third place, we should not lose sight of the fact that if a successful steam railway transportation system is essential to the social life of the country in times of peace it is peculiarly essential in time of war. It forms the arterial system of our National life. The men who have built and who are operating our railways, from the presidents down to the section hands, are serving the public and serving it well. Their work should receive appreciation and recognition. The regional director on whose skill and inspiration the operation of a great railway system so much depends, and who often works in his office from eight o'clock in the morning until ten or eleven o'clock at night, holds what is really a war position comparable only to that of a general of a department or division; stenographers and clerks who do the office work may be likened to the men and women in the quartermaster's department; the engine-drivers are brothers to the artillerists who handle the big howitzers; and

the brakemen, trainmen, switchmen, and section men, who often have to work with physical suffering in the bitter cold, mud, rain, and deep snow, are not at all unlike the Tommy or Sammy or poilu in the front-line trenches.

We take our railway journeys like our breakfasts, too much as a matter of course, and grumble about them too much. No body of civilians is working harder or doing more to win the war than the railway men of this country. Let us give them a word of praise now and then.

THE AIRCRAFT INVESTIGATION

The American people are now in an unshaken win-the-war frame of mind. They do not care, to quote the sentiment well expressed recently by ex-Senator Root in a public speech, whether it is won by the Democratic party, the Republican party, the Socialist party, or the Prohibition party. They do care and are determined that it shall be won by the United States. They are in no temper to tolerate investigations carried on for partisan purposes, but they are in a temper to demand the actual facts and to have past mistakes and blunders remedied so that we shall have efficiency and results in the

future.

The worst phase of the aircraft controversy, which is now apparently happily coming to an end, is that it has led to confusion, uncertainty, and a weakening of confidence in the public mind. We have been told absolutely contradictory things by men who seemed to speak with equal authority. It has been asserted on the one hand that we have no efficient fighting airplanes in Europe, and on the other that our airplanes are going over there in quantity; on the one hand that the Liberty motor is one of the most remarkable achievements of modern engineering, and on the other that it is so far only an experimental disappointment; on the one hand that we should have made use of the highly developed European airplane engines, and on the other that owing to the complexities of the foreign designs they are adapted only for handwork manufac ture and not for quantity production; on the one hand that we should have adopted the magneto ignition system, which is used in Europe, and on the other that the battery ignition, which has been designed for the Liberty motor, is far superior for its purpose to the magneto. Many other confusing statements similar to these have been made. There have even been charges of corruption. We do not think that the public at large believes there has been any corruption, but it does wonder whether there have not been unnecessary delays, inefficiency, overlapping and confusion of authority, and extravagant expenditure which has been wholly out of proportion to the results achieved.

The public therefore turned with a sigh of relief to the despatches announcing that the President had appointed Mr. Hughes to make a thorough investigation of the aircraft situation. In his appointment Mr. Hughes was requested to examine particularly the charges of corruption. We have already pointed out in these columns that if he confined himself solely to this aspect of the charges the result would not satisfy the public. But the letter which Mr. Hughes has written to the Attorney-General indicates that he will, as he must necessarily, study all the aspects of the controversy. He says:

If we discover a basis for civil suits by the Government, they will be instituted. If we find grounds for a criminal prosecution, it will be in order to go before the Grand Jury to obtain indictments. If we find no sufficient basis for such proceedings, our conclusion, to be convincing to the country, could not well be stated as a mere negative conclusion, but should be accompanied by a fair, candid, and adequate statement of the facts which our investigation has disclosed.

As the head of suci 1 investigation, Mr. Hughes possesses pre-eminently valuable qualities. He is a statesman of administrative political experience; he is a lawyer of a highly developed judicial mind; he is the foremost American investigator of our time, having established his own reputation as a public man in the great insurance investigations in New York State, which practically revolutionized the insurance business of the country; and he does not belong to the President's political party, thus assuring his freedom from the political pressure