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BUY LIBERTY BONDS

At this writing, April 23, the Third Liberty Bond campaign has eleven more days to run. Americans have eleven more days in which to show how thoroughly they are determined to back up their brothers and sons who are fighting at the western front to free the world from German slavery. The bravery of our American soldiers needs no advertisement or emphasis. They have just fought their first big battle, the Battle of Seicheprey. Up to this time our troops had been engaged in small raiding parties and in trench warfare. The fight at Seicheprey was described thus in a few brief but pregnant lines by the Associated Press :

An entire German regiment, reinforced by strong troops, attacked the sector held by American troops near Seicheprey on Saturday, April 20, when General Pershing's men fought the most serious engagement they have yet experienced. There was hand-to-hand fighting. The Germans at first took the village, but were afterwards driven out.

6

The complete details have not yet been made public by our Government, but it is clear that our soldiers were not only brave but efficient, and their fighting qualities won the complete approval and applause of their allies. It is apparent that the Germans intended to break through to terrify and wipe out the American sector. In this purpose they made a hopeless failure. A staff correspondent of the New York "Times" says of this fight: "For the first time the Germans have met the Americans in serious fighting, and, as the French say, they have broken their noses. It is a good augury for America." No matter how bonds have bought, go out and buy some more—at least one Baby Bond of $50 in honor of Seicheprey. Our American soldiers are small in number on the western front, but they have shown that they can fight. The $50 Baby Bond is small in size, but it can fight too, if given a chance. If on the last day of the drive here at home ten million Americans would step to the nearest bank or booth and buy a $50 Baby Bond, the total amount would be half a billion dollars. Let us give the Prussians a barrage fire of Baby Bonds on the last day.

many

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THE VALUE OF THE BABY BOND

A well-known investment banker of New York, Mr. John Muir, calls our attention to some facts regarding the Baby Bond with which we think our readers should familiarize themselves :

There is one phase of all the Liberty Loans which should receive the most careful thought and attention. It is the participation and interest of small subscribers, wage-earners and people of very limited income.

For this great multitude the Treasury Department wisely determined to issue $50 and $100 denominations, commonly called "Baby Bonds." A year ago bonds, except to the well-to-do and wealthy classes, were comparatively unknown, and not fully understood when known. A year ago there were 300,000 bondholders in this country. To-day there are over 12,000,000, and to this Third Loan Mr. McAdoo expects to receive subscriptions from 20,000,000 people.

To obtain these large numbers of small subscribers every effort was and now is being put forth. Plans were adopted for easy payments for those who could not pay cash.

It is well known that immediately the bonds were issued the price began to decline. This created doubt in the minds of small

subscribers, and very large sums in small bonds were thrown over, not through need, but through fright because of ignorance about a new and untried investment. Unscrupulous persons paid $35 and $40 for $50 bonds, $75 and $80 for $100 bonds. Of course this is fraud of the vilest kind.

The Liberty Bond prices in $1,000 pieces may fluctuate below par for a time, but there is no remote fear at any time that they will ever fall to prices such as the poor small subscriber, through fright, ignorance, stress, or coercion, has had to accept for his small single bond extorted from him by harpies.

Therefore I emphasize that the Baby Bond must be stabilized on the basis of the $1,000 bond. The small subscriber must get the wealthy man's price. Let it be known that the Baby Bond holder can look in his paper and know that the $1,000 price is his price. With the written approval of the Treasury Department I adopted this principle in June of last year and maintain it.

The small subscriber must equip himself with knowledge about his bonds. It is concisely set forth in the free pamphlet "Your Liberty Bond," distributed by the Third Liberty Loan Committee and others. The public press should disseminate the information to the utmost. It will forestall fraud.

Thus will solidly be built a foundation of confidence amongst the new millions of bondholders of the Nation through the knowledge of the fact that the small investor gets fair and equal terms and treatment with the great.

What Mr. Muir points out can be illustrated by percentages. At this writing the Second Liberty Loan 4 per cent bonds bond of the second issue sells to-day for $967, or three and are quoted in the market at 96.70; that is to say, a $1,000 three-tenths per cent below par. At this rate a $50 bond of the second 4 per cent issue should bring in the market $48.35. Holders of $50 bonds or of bonds of any other denominations should, however, refrain from selling them at any price if they can possibly do so. They are absolutely sure, and they will be paid in full on the date which is printed on the face of every bond. There is no security in the world to-day of any Government, of any bank, of any railway, or of any industrial company that is so sound and so sure of being paid as the Liberty Bonds of the United States Government. Do not sell them unless you have to, and if you have to sell them because of some catastrophe or crisis in your own affairs, insist on getting the market price for them, which at present is not less than $48 for every $50 bond.

But, above all, buy more bonds.

AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN BATTLE

The Battle of Seicheprey, to which we have referred above, and in which American soldiers were victorious, occurred in the Toul sector and south of the great St. Mihiel salient of the Ger man line. It took place on April 20. The objective of the German attack was the town of Seicheprey. The violence and extent of the attack are shown by the fact that it extended over a front of more than two miles, and that the reports from both sides indicate that the American loss in killed, wounded, and captured was about two hundred. On the other hand, despite the usual German claim that their losses were slight, it appears practically certain that those losses, in fact, exceeded considerably the losses on our side. It has been stated that three hundred German dead were left on the field and that the retreating Germans carried away many wounded.

As usual with such prepared attacks, made after concentra

tion, the attacking party drove the defenders back in the first impetus of the assault. The town of Seicheprey was taken by a German advance which followed the sending over of large quantities of poison gas and a terrific bombardment. The Americans, however, launched a counter-attack a few hours later, drove the Germans out of Seicheprey and the neighboring wooded positions, and in the end reoccupied their own original positions.

The accuracy and effectiveness of American artillery barrage are praised by all observers. A peculiar feature of this battle was the reported use by special detachments of Americans of guns corresponding to the sawed-off, double-barreled shotguns of the type used in the old days by the stage-drivers in the Far West. It is said that about ten thousand of these weapons were called for by General Pershing some time ago. They seem to have been effective as weapons of defense, for the correspondents say that the spray of widely scattered buckshot was demoralizing to the advancing German line.

It is evident that in the power of sustaining a serious and terrible attack, and still more in the power of turning the tide of battle and driving the temporary victors off the field, our American forces are soldiers of the first order and the equal of their Allied comrades all along the line. That they are taking a larger and larger part each day is shown by the growing list of losses inevitable to full participation. Up to April 23, 511 Americans are reported as having been killed in action and 103 have died of wounds, while the total number of men wounded is 1,975, of whom only 410 were severely wounded.

IN PICARDY AND FLANDERS

In the week ending April 23 there was no decisive or widely extended action on the part of either of the great contending armies facing one another on the two fighting fronts which have resulted from the two separate attempts of the German armies to break through to the Channel. But there has been evidence of the stiffening and strengthening of the British and French power of resistance. In the minor actions here and there in which the two armies have been feeling out each other's strength both the French and the British have been more and purpose, successful than their enemies. Thus, while in Flanders, as noted last week, the Germans were able to occupy a large part of the Messines Ridge, and were gradually creeping around it from the south and west, they have been held firmly from any notable farther advance. The British have repelled attack after attack on Mount Kimmel, a commanding elevation which, if not actually a part of the Messines Ridge, is adjacent to it. The same general truth holds regarding the lines in the great salient in Picardy, but on April 23 the British attacked on the Somme north of Albert, with some gains.

Evidence accumulated all through the week ending on April 23 that General Foch's first effort has been to fill in whatever weak places there may be in the British lines with French reinforcements. Not until those lines are so strong that they may be depended upon to check new German assaults, which may be directed toward Amiens in the southern offensive and in the northern offensive toward Hazebrouck, does he propose to risk a decisive attack with his reserves. At the end of the week military opinion seemed to incline strongly to the conviction that the most probable new move by the German armies would be in a turning operation in the neighborhood of Arras, and it is reported that great masses of German troops are being concentrated for that purpose. The feeling seems to be growing among military observers that the Germans' position is such that they must either stake all on a new final offensive within a short time or must withdraw and admit failure. Unless they can extend their lines to the north and south they will, as one correspondent says, "find themselves bottled up in a narrow stretch of country in such a manner that they can for the time being neither go forward nor properly provision themselves where they are.

Not a little comment was caused by a statement from MajorGeneral Maurice, of the British War Office, in which he likened the present position to that of the British at Waterloo, and said: "It is unpleasant business standing the hammering, but so long as we can stand it the only question to be asked is:

What is happening to Blücher? What has become of the reserves?"

General Maurice did not necessarily mean to complain of any lack of activity by General Foch, but by many readers the utterance was so understood, and when a day or two later it was announced that General Maurice had been transferred to a command at the front, it was inferred that this was a result of his remarks. It is said, however, that General Maurice's transferral had been planned for some time. No one can doubt that General Foch will employ the great powers now in his hands as they should be used by a general distinguished for his knowledge of strategy as well as for the suddenness of his

attacks.

ENGLAND'S FIGHTING SPIRIT

England's back is to the wall, as Sir Douglas Haig has said; but that does not mean that Englishmen are despairing. On the contrary, there is every evidence that with increased difficulties has come to England a spirit of increased resolution.

Of course Englishmen are disappointed that America is still feeble in the war. They do not put it just this way. When they speak of it, they couple it with a tribute to America. This is what Lloyd George did in his speech of April 9. It is worth while quoting what he said. Referring to "the material and dramatic assistance rendered by President Wilson in this emergency," in agreeing to let American soldiers be brigaded with the British and the French, Lloyd George said:

In America there is a very considerable number of men in the course of training, and the Allies looked forward to having a large American army in France in the spring. It has taken longer than was anticipated to turn those soldiers into the necessary divisional organizations. If America waited to complete these divisional organizations, it would not be possible for these fine troops in any large numbers to take part in this battle in this campaign, although it might be very well the decisive battle

of the war.

This was, of course, one of the most serious disappointments from which the Allies had suffered. It is no use pretending it was not one of our chief causes of anxiety. We depended upon it largely to make up the defection of Russia.

The British Premier, like a true gentleman, then paid his tribute to the American decision on behalf of unity. But of course we Americans know, or ought to know, that the actual power exerted by American forces, even when brigaded with the French and British, is comparatively small, because the numbers are not large. So England must make deeper sacrifices and new efforts. She is planning, therefore (think of it, Americans!), to increase her conscription age to fifty, and in some cases to fifty-five. It is true that few men over forty-two will go into actual combatant service, and that men of fifty-five will be selected only because of some special qualification; but the men that England needs she is going to take, and she has to go to men of that age because we are not ready yet.

And England is more ready than we to make changes in administration whenever necessary for improvement. While we hold on to men who have continued to make mistakes, England has changed. Perhaps the most significant of recent appointments is the selection of Lord Milner, who might be called the maker of South Africa, to be Secretary of State for War. He succeeds Lord Derby, who goes to Paris as Ambassador. New vigor in the administration of the British War Department is expected by the accession of Lord Milner.

Another change not so easy to understand is the appointment of Austen Chamberlain as a member of the War Cabinet. Mr. Chamberlain is perhaps best known as the son of his father, Joseph Chamberlain, though he has made some reputation in public life, having held, for example, the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. His appointment at a time when England's back is to the wall is not greeted by unanimous acclaim. Lord Northclife, in his newspapers, declares it to be "cynical trifling." Nevertheless, there are very few men in American public life in corresponding positions of authority who have wider experience or greater ability than Mr. Chamberlain. English standards for such an office seem to be higher than ours.

Furthermore, England's resolution to pursue the fight with

greater vigor is shown in the new Budget. By the bill that was introduced by the Government into Parliament it is proposed to raise the immense sum of more than fourteen billion dollars. Of this sum about four billion dollars are to be raised by taxation. In other words, the United Kingdom, with a population considerably less than half that of the United States, plans to secure by taxes in the coming year as much as the United States secured this past twelvemonth.

Such an example as England is setting is a worthy one for us to emulate. We Americans will find in this example a new stimulus to our own spirit of resolution and courage.

THE LICHNOWSKY REVELATIONS

In the court of international opinion, Germany is now condemned out of the mouth of her own witness. The publication in this country of the full text of the Lichnowsky memorandum, to which we briefly referred last week, has enabled Americans to judge for themselves of its immense importance and seriousness. We are indebted to the New York "Times also for the publication, side by side with the memorandum as it first appeared in the Stockholm Socialist newspaper "Politiken," of long extracts from the complete memorandum, which did not appear in the Stockholm paper, but which the Berlin "Vorwärts" has had the courage to print. These latter extracts deal in more detail with the earnest attempts made by Sir Edward Grey in England in 1912 to bring about a reasonable understanding between the Great Powers in regard to disputed questions and his equally earnest attempts to prevent war in 1914, and also throw new light on the history of the Balkan situation, and especially the Serbian question. Supplementing and confirming the memorandum is a statement by Dr. Mühlon, a former member of the Krupp Directorate. This is also printed in the "Times."

There seems to be no question whatever of the authenticity of Prince Lichnowsky's remarkable statement. It is idle to attempt to wave aside this exposure of Germany's methods on the theory that Prince Lichnowsky is a man of no consequence. A man who was in turn German Ambassador in Vienna and London is not to be dismissed in this fashion. Moreover, the memorandum was not written for argumentative purposes, nor was its publication intended by its author. He has himself stated that it got into circulation "through an indiscretion," and has expressed his extreme regret at the fact. If, then, the document was intended to influence German rather than foreign opinion, its value as a historic document is all the greater.

Prince Lichnowsky traces the development in Germany, for years before the critical situation in 1914, of two trends of opinion and purpose. Personally, he then believed that international difficulties could be solved without war, but the controlling powers in Berlin were simply determined not to allow such a settlement. Thus, after the first Balkan War he would have left the settlement to the Balkan peoples themselves. The other course was for Germany to give up the role of mediator in the East and support Austria without reserve. He comments: "I urged the former course from the beginning, but the German Foreign Office very much preferred the latter." This was in keeping with the action of Germany in the Moroccan matter, as to which an Austrian diplomat said to the Prince: "The French had begun to forget la revanche. You have regularly reminded them of it by trampling on their toes." When Sir Edward Grey was urging conciliation in the Albanian matter, says Prince Lichnowsky, he "hardly ever took the French point of view. On the contrary, he nearly always took our part in order to give no pretext for war," and he "conducted the negotiations with care, calm, and tact." But here, as at other times, says the Prince, " instead of adopting the English point of view, we accepted that dictated to us by Vienna.'

For Germany, he thinks, this was one more of many wretched mistakes: "We had always backed horses which it was evident would lose, such as Kruger, Abdul Aziz, Abdul Hamid, Wilhelm of Wied, and finally-and this was the most miserable mistake of all-Count Berchtold" (the Austrian Foreign Minister who forced war on Serbia).

When it comes to the actual circumstances of the outbreak

As appears from all official publications, without the facts being controverted by our own White Book, which, owing to its poverty and gaps, constitutes a grave self-accusation :

1. We encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia, although no German interest was involved, and the danger of a world war must have been known to us-whether we knew the text of the ultimatum is a question of complete indifference.

2. In the days between July 23 and July 30, 1914, when M. Sazonoff emphatically declared that Russia could not tolerate an attack upon Serbia, we rejected the British proposals of mediation, although Serbia, under Russian and British pressure, had accepted almost the whole ultimatum, and although an agreement about the two points in question could easily have been reached, and Count Berchtold was even ready to satisfy himself with the Serbian reply.

3. On July 30, when Count Berchtold wanted to give way, we, without Austria having been attacked, replied to Russia's mere mobilization by sending an ultimatum to St. Petersburg, and on July 31 we declared war on the Russians, although the Czar had pledged his word that as long as negotiations continued not a man should march-so that we deliberately destroyed the possibility of a peaceful settlement.

In view of these indisputable facts, it is not surprising that the whole civilized world outside Germany attributes to us the sole guilt for the world war.

THE KAISER'S RESPONSIBILITY

Prince Lichnowsky places the responsibility for the war not merely on Germany, but also on the military party. Dr. Mühlon goes further by indicating the responsibility of the Kaiser. He gives testimony concerning a confidential conversation between Dr. Helfferich, later Vice-Chancellor, and the Kaiser, in which the Kaiser said that "he would declare war immediately if Russia mobilized" and repeatedly insisted" that this time nobody would be able to accuse him of indecision."

It is evident, from the Lichnowsky and Mühlon memoranda, that there is a party in the upper classes of German society. who hold the Kaiser and the military party responsible for the war. Strong indications of this have already appeared in the famous book "J'Accuse" and in the articles by Prince Hohenlohe to which we have heretofore referred. How far this feeling has spread in Germany it is hard to tell; but the fact that the memoranda of Prince Lichnowsky and Dr. Mühlon have been made subjects of discussion in the Reichstag indicates that the feeling has spread too far for the Hohenzollerns completely to suppress it.

What would happen if the opinions expressed in these memoranda and the book and the articles to which we have referred should spread among the people may well be the subject of anxiety to Germany's rulers. The doctrine that. might makes right has pervaded the German people and given a quasi-moral authority to the military party. The people are not merely in abject submission to the power of that party, but also to some extent in moral subjection to its authority. If its power is destroyed, its moral authority will be at least weakened. If at the same time the people, or any considerable proportion of them, are persuaded that the Kaiser and his party are responsible for the terrible tragedy inflicted on the nation, the authority of the Kaiser and his party will be overthrown altogether, and something of the hatred now felt for the English as the authors of the war will be transferred to the Kaiser as the author. In that case, the Hohenzollern Government might collapse as the Government of the Czar collapsed in Russia, and we should have to deal not with the German Government, but with a people partially at least disillusioned.

The military rulers of Germany themselves, we believe, foresee this possibility, and therefore are undertaking to anticipate it by their present military offensive on the western front. They are hastening to smash the Allies before their own power is smashed or their own authority is weakened at home. They believe that if they can succeed now they will save themselves.