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This charming picture shows the President reading his remarkable address, printed in full in The Outlook last week, before the representatives of foreign Powers, grouped before the tomb of America's first President, and in the presence of a great audience of American citizens

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PAUL THOMPSON

THE CZECHOSLOVAK FLOAT IN NEW YORK'S FOURTH OF JULY PARADE

This was one of the most interesting of the many floats representing foreign-born peoples in New York's parade. The Czechoslovaks are of peculiar interest just now because of their countrymen's military activity in Russia and Siberia

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This huge plane is the first Handley-Page large bombing airplane to be built and launched in America. It is named the Langley, after the famous American scientist whose experiments and studies did much to make air navigation possible. The Langley made its first flight quite recently from the plant of its makers, the Standard Aircraft Corporation, of Elizabeth, New Jersey

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These Vassar girls are taking their noonday rest and luncheon under the shade of an old oak. Their work on the Vassar truck farm has been a fine demonstration ef the possibilities of women's out-of-door war activities

for the greater part of the oleaginous products she needed for her commerce, industry, and food.

The situation for 1913 may be summed up as follows: Total consumption of oil and fats, 2,100,000 tons. Amount that had to be imported by Germany, 966,000 tons, or approximately forty-six per cent.

Of these 966,000 tons 520,000 came from the Allied countries, or about fifty-four per cent of the total imports and twentyfive per cent of German consumption; 52,000 tons came from Russia, 378,000 tons from neutral countries, only 16,000 tons from Turkey and the German colonies.

The "Chemiker Zeitung" for August 30,, 1916, estimated that of the total consumption of 2,100,000 tons of fats we have just referred to 430,000 tons were for industrial purposes, distributed among approximately 7,000 factories, employing over 100,000 workmen.

So here we have 7,000 factories and 100,000 workmen dependent on the good pleasure of the Allies. The latter can allow the German people to keep this means of livelihood or they can withdraw it. They can prevent them from feeding their cattle, operating their machinery, and pursuing their agricultural activities-if they so desire...

Therefore in connection with at least three essentials of modern life the United States and the other Allies have Germany and the German people at their discretion. Whatever be the military result of the war, it rests with the United States and the other Allies whether Germany is to be allowed to lead the life of a civilized people, or whether, in spite of her conquests. she shall be put back two centuries. In other words, the United States and the other Allies have in their hands a weapon against which Germany is absolutely helpless an economic weapon. To wrest this weapon from the Allies Germany would have to conquer the entire British Empire, all of the United States, and sink all the navies of the Allies. This is neither possible nor feasible. The Allies, on the other hand, can wield this infallible weapon whenever they choose; there is but one condition

A TRIBUTE TO

to agree about it among themselves. The Allies can use this weapon to-day; they can use it to-morrow.

They can use it to-day to compel Germany to fight like a civilized country. They can from this very moment organize an international tribunal having the power to pass sentence for every outrage committed against humanity, for every violation of international law as it was laid down at The Hague, the sentence to be executed when peace is signed, and to consist in the refusal of copper, wool, and fats for so many months.

Above all, the Allies can use this weapon to-morrow, when they gather around the green-covered table of the Peace Congress and the great question of disarmament will call for settlement. We may suppose the Allies saying at that time to Germany: "In 1914, according to your own budget, you had a war machine which cost you four hundred million dollars. As long as you have a military and naval budget of four hundred million dollars we regret that we shall be unable to sell you wool, copper, and fats. But if you reduce this budget by half we are willing to give you 1,000,000 metric quintals of wool, 125,000,000 tons of copper, and 250,000 tons of fats. If your military and naval budgets fall to nothing, we are willing to go much further and to sell you everything in unlimited quantities." Let us suppose that the Allies carry this out to the letter. Would it not be worth all the peace leagues, social contracts, and international courts in the world? Would it not constitute the very best guarantee against a repetition of the horrors we are going through?

We again repeat that the one condition required to bring this about is agreement among the Allies. Are they capable of such an effort? To-day they are putting in common their gold, their men, their blood. Are they incapable of putting in common their wool, copper, and fats? Are they incapable of setting aside theories that are too idealistic or interests that are too materialistic? They are organizing war to-day; are they incapable of organizing peace to-morrow? The interests of that peace are at stake, and so are the preservation of civilization and the welfare of humanity.

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An old friend of The Outlook sends us a letter from a friend of his who is a Y. M. C. A. secretary in France. We print it below in part. The writer of the letter is a man from forty-five to fifty years of age, is a grandson of a former Minister of the United States to the Court of St. James's, possesses ample independent means, and lives in times of peace in a beautiful home in a New England hill town famous for its fine estates. The letter, unusually readable, whoever wrote it, possesses a peculiar interest because it unconsciously reveals the inspiring spirit of democratic brotherhood which animates all the men, rich and poor, who are working on the western front in France.-THE EDITORS.

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N working with the United States Army Y. M. C. A. in France there is one great thing that stands out above all others-opportunity. There can be no frills or shams with the American soldier in France; it is the real stuff that counts, and it is just plain man to man always; so if he makes good and you make good, you both succeed, and if you don't you fail. I knew as little about opening a “hut as I did about opening a hotel, but after two days of being general utility man in a well-run hut in a large town I was told I was to have one of my own--all my own, to sink or swim by. Late one October afternoon I was set down from a motor truck in a small village in northern France with a load of canteen supplies and a piano and told to "go to it." In a moment I was surrounded by a mob of excited boys, and the piano was being played before it touched the ground. It was bedlam. I was deluged with questions: "Will you help with a minstrel show?" "Did you bring a football?" "Do you think we will be out of this damned place by Christmas?" My hut was in the loft of a ruined mill, with the mill-race running beneath a wonderful room with great beams and deep shadows, full of charm and suggestion, and it was the happiest of homes to us all for the four months we were there.

My boys were not born with a silver spoon in their mouths nor with a golden tongue. Their language was dreadful, lurid. I thought the matter over carefully, and reasoned something like this: It was as natural for them to swear as to breathe. My job was to make them as happy as possible, and they could not be happy unless they breathed, so I let them swear away, but I drew the line if they swore in anger at each other. I made my

greatest bid for their respect and affection, and I won out, though it took me weeks to find the key to some of their hearts. They are all "my boys" now in every sense, and I love them all, the good ones and the bad ones-only there are no bad ones-and I am prouder of their affection than of anything that has ever come

to me.

One day a youngster, a mere lad, in whom I had taken an interest said: "Look here, Larry, you don't know it, but I have always been a crook, a thief; but somehow, I guess I won't be any more.

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Early in February the long-expected order for active service at the front arrived, and with it my permission from the Y. M. C. A. to go with the men. I have been on two battlefronts, always with them, whether front-line trenches, support, or reserve. My officers have been goodness itself and have given me every opportunity. They agree with me that the moral effect is very strong in having some one with the boys, some one who does not have to be there, but who goes as a friend to live their life and to share their dangers.

When possible, I carry in supplies, sometimes even into the front-line trenches, but more often it is just for a chat of mother, sweetheart, and home, and together, for a time, we can forget the foul mud, the rat-infested dugouts, and the incessant shellfire. This is the chance for service the Y. M. C. A. makes possible for us older men ; surely the finest of chances to do something to make this grim game of war less terrible for these poor boys, many of whom have little understanding for what they are fighting, but are willing, ready to bleed and die at their country's call. LAWRENCE PERKINS.

WEEKLY OUTLINE STUDY OF

CURRENT HISTORY

BY J. MADISON GATHANY, A.M.

HOPE STREET HIGH SCHOOL, PROVIDENCE, R. I.

Based on The Outlook of July 17, 1918

Each week an Outline Study of Current History based on the preceding number of The Outlook will be printed for the benefit of current events classes, debating clubs, teachers of history and of English, and the like, and for use in the home and by such individual readers as may desire suggestions in the serious study of current history.-THE EDITORS.

[Those who are using the weekly outline should not attempt to cover the whole of an outline in any one lesson or study. Assign for one lesson selected questions, one or two propositions for discussion, and only such words as are found in the material assigned. Or distribute selected questions among different members of the class or group and have them report their findings to all when assembled. Then have all discuss the questions together.]

I-INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Topic: President Wilson's Address; The President Defines International Law. Reference: Pages 446, 447 editorial, pages 444, 445.

Questions:

1. Review the conditions that led Washington and his associates to take up arms against England. 2. According to President Wilson, what were their intentions and purposes in going against the mother country? 3. Where do you place responsibility for the American Revolutionary War? In George III, in Parliament, in the strange and unique ideas of the colonists, where? 4. Did England rule her colonists as oppressively and as strictly as other European nations ruled their colonists at that time? Why did not the colonists of other nations revolt and establish their political independence? (Think out carefully answers to questions 2, 3, and 4, for there is much in them to be thought out. The President says: "We take our cue from them-do we not? We intend what they intended.") 5. Explain: "We here in America believe our participation in this present war to be only the fruitage of what they planted." 6. How does our case differ from that of the colonists? Were Washington alive in 1914, do you think he would have advocated American participation in this war? Give reasons. 7. Comment on the President's statement: "The plot is written plain upon every scene and every act of the supreme tragedy." 8. What are the ends for which the Allies are fighting as stated by President Wilson? Explain each in your own words. 9. Give reasons why these ends cannot be achieved by debating. How and when will they be achieved? 10. Discuss The Outlook's editorial comment on the President's address. 11. Read for this topic the following valuable books: "The World's Debate," by William Barry (Doran); "The Roots of the War," by W. S. Davis (Century); "Face to Face with Kaiserism," by J. W. Gerard (Doran); "A League to Enforce Peace," by R. Goldsmith (Macmillan).

II-NATIONAL AFFAIRS

A. Topic: John Purroy Mitchel; The
Corn-Field Lawyer ; Washington
Gladden.

Reference Pages 440, 442.
Questions:

1. What biographical facts does The

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Outlook give about these three Americans? 2. What beliefs and principles guided and dominated these men in rendering public service? 3. Discuss the following statements about Major Mitchel: figure of much interest in municipal politics." "Always a man of great courage." "He had many attractive personal qualiMajor Mitchel was a thoroughgoing patriot." "He did nothing petty; he was beaten only to fight better." 4. Are those who die in our Army camps, at home or abroad, in the Navy, or in aviation training to be considered among our heroes as much as those who perish under fire at the front? Give several reasons. 5. Write an editorial of five hundred or more words

on this Topic, taking for your title "Les

sons from the Lives of Three Americans."

6. It will do you good to read "George Washington," by Norman Hapgood (Macmillan); "Abraham Lincoln," by Noah Brooks (Putnam); "The Voice of Lincoln," by R. M. Wanamaker (Scribners); "Early Life and Letters of General Jack son," by T. J. Arnold (Revell).

B. Topic: The I. W. W. on Trial.
Reference: Pages 448-450.
Questions:

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1. What is the I. W. W.? Name and discuss the fundamental ideals of this organization as disclosed by its "Preamble." 2. Why is it well for Americans to remember that this is a revolutionary organization? Discuss. 3. Do you think all revolutionary ideas, organizations, and individuals should be suppressed? Tell at length your reasons. 4. What is "direct action"? Is it ever jus- DURAND STEEL LOCKER CO. tifiable? Give several reasons why "political action" is preferable to "direct action." 5. If the I. W. W. should secure complete control of public affairs, what conditions do you think would develop in this country? What are your reasons? 6. Tell, with reasons, what action you think the Federal Goverment should take toward the I. W. W. organization and its members.

III-PROPOSITIONS FOR DISCUSSION (These propositions are suggested directly or indirectly by the subject-matter of The Outlook, but not discussed in it.)

1. One-man power always fails in the end. 2. Freedom of discussion is the essence of democracy. 3. There will be no defense for war after this war.

IV-VOCABULARY BUILDING

(All of the following words and expressions are found in The Outlook for July 17, 1918. Both before and after looking them up in the dictionary or elsewhere, give their meaning in your own words. The figures in parentheses refer to pages on which the words may be found.)

Function, international law, civilized society, covenants (445); significant, barons at Runnymede (446); preamble, capitalism (448); sabot, surreptitiously (449).

A booklet suggesting methods of using the Weekly Outline of Current History will be sent on application

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