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changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evince a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw of such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former system of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature-a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatigueing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states -for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of land.

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of, their salaries.

He has created a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out our substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our lawsgiving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation.

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:

For cutting off trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments: For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our immigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces the separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind-enemies in war, in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The foregoing declaration was, by order of congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members:

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FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE,

ABRAHAM CLARK,

GEORGE CLYMER,

WILLIAM ELLERY,

WILLIAM FLOYD,
THOMAS LYNCH, Jr.,
THOMAS M'KEAN,
ARTHUR MIDDLETON,
LEWIS MORRIS,
ROBERT MORRIS,
JOHN MORTON,
THOMAS NELSON, Jr.,
WILLIAM PACA,
ROBERT TREAT PAINE,

JOHN PENN,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
ELBRIDGE GERRY,

BUTTON GWINNETT,

LYMAN HALL,

JOHN HANCOCK,

BENJAMIN HARRISON,
JOHN HART, ·

THOMAS HEYWard, Jr.,

RICHARD HENRY LEE,

FRANCIS LEWIS,

PHILLIP LIVINGSTON,

GEORGE READ,

CÆSAR RODNEY,
GEORGE ROSS,
BENJAMIN RUSH,

EDWARD RUTledge,

ROGER SHERMAN,
JAMES SMITH,
RICHARD STOCKTON,
THOMAS STONE,
GEORGE TAYLOR,
MATHEW THORNTON,
GEORGE WALTON,

WILLIAM WHIPPLE,
WILLIAM WILLIAMS,
JAMES WILSON,
JOHN WITHERSPOON,
OLIVER WOLCOTT,

GEORGE WYTHE.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

PREAMBLE.

WE the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

SEC. 1. Legislative powers.

CHAPTER I.

2. House of Representatives; its members; by whom chosen.

Qualifications of representatives.

Representatives and taxes, how apportioned.

Actual enumeration every ten years; first apportionment of representation.
Vacancies, how filled.

Powers of the house. Sole power to impeach.

3. Senators, how chosen.

SEO. 4.

The senate divided into three classes; terms, how ascertained; and filling of vacancies.

Qualifications of senators.

President of the senate.

President pro tem., and other officers of senate.

Sole power to try impeachments.

Extent of judgment in cases of impeachment.

Mode of electing senators and representatives.
Meetings of congress.

5. Each house shall be the judge of its own members.
May determine its own rules, &c.

To keep and publish journals, &c.

Adjournment.

6. Pay of senators and privileges of representatives.
Disability to hold offices.

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