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but I will say to her, 'God speed!'”—Mr. Davis
then proceeded to argue, that the equality spoken " I rise for the purpose of announcing to the of in the Declaration of Independence, was the senate, that I have satisfactory evidence that the equality of a class in political rights; referring to state of Mississippi, by solemn ordinance in con- the charge against George III. for inciting insurrention assembled, has declared her separation rection, as proof that it had no reference to the from the United States. Under these circum- slaves. “But we have proclaimed our independence. stances, of course, my functions terminate here. It This is done with no hostility or any desire to has seemed to be proper that I should appear in injure any section of the country, nor even for our the senate, and announce that fact, and to say pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solid something, though very little, upon it. The occa- foundation of defending and protecting the rights sion does not invite me to go into the argument, we inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to and my physical condition will not permit it; yet our posterity. I know I feel no hostility to you something would seem to be necessary on the part senators here, and am sure there is not one of you, of the state I here represent, on an occasion like whatever may have been the sharp discussion this. It is known to senators who have served between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the here, that I have for many years advocated, as an presence of my God, I wish you well. And such is essential attribute to state sovereignty, the right of the feeling, I am sure, the people I represent feel a state to secede from the Union. if, therefore, I towards those whom you represent. I therefore had not believed there was justifiable cause-if I feel I but express their desire, when I say I hope had thought the state was acting without sufficient and they hope for those peaceful relations with you, provocation-still
, under my theory of government, though we must part, that may be mutually bene I should have felt bound by her action. I, how. ficial to us in the future. There will be peace if you erer, may say I think she had justifiable cause, and so will it, and you may bring disaster on every part of I approve of her acts. I conferred with the people the country, if you thus will have it. And if you before that act was taken, and counselled 'them, will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our that if they could not remain, that they should take fathers, who delivered them from the paw of the the act. I hope none will confound this expression | lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear; of opinion with the advocacy of the right of a state and thus putting our trust in God and our own to remain in the Union, and disregard its constitu- firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindicate and tional obligations by 'nullification. Nullification defend the rights we claim. In the course of my and secession are, indeed, antagonistic principles. long career, I have met with a great variety of men Nullification is the remedy which is to be sought, here, and there have been points of collision and applied, within the Union, against an agent of between us. Whatever of offence there has been the United States, when the agent has violated con- to me, I leave here. I carry no hostile feelings stitutional obligations, and the state assumes for away. Whatever of offence I have given, which itself, and appeals to other states to support it. has not been redressed, I am willing to say to But when the states themselves, and the people of senators in this hour of parting-1 offer you my the states, have so acted as to convince us that apology for anything I may have done in the they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, senate; and I go thus released from obligation, and then for the first time, arises the question of remembering no injury I have received, and having secession in its practical application. That great discharged what I deem the duty of man, to offer man who now reposes with his fathers, who has the fullest reparation at this moment for any injury been so often arraigned for want of fealty to the I have ever inflicted." Cnion, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of
Events now progressed rapidly towards his deep-seated attachment to the Union that a crisis. A convention of delegates from the Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, seceding states, assembled in congress at
which he claimed would give peace within the Montgomery, Alabama, on the 4th of Febi limits of the Union, and not disturb it, and only be ruary; and, on the 8th, adopted a form of
the means of bringing the agent before the proper constitution for the confederate states. The I tribunal of the states for judgment. Secession
belongs to a different class of rights, and is to be following day, the congress proceeded to justified upon the basis that the states are sovereign. the election of a president and vice-presi'The time has been, and I hope the time will come dent; and the unanimous choice centred again, when a better appreciation of our Union on Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, for the will prevent any one denying that each state is a sovereign in its own right. Therefore, I say i first, and Alexander H. Stephen, of Georgia, concur in the act of my state, and feel bound by it. for the second of those important trusts. It is by this confounding of nullification and seces-On the 18th of the month, Mr. Davis was son that the name of another great man has been inaugurated, and delivered the following The phrase, "to execute the law,' as used by Gen. address : eral Jackson, was applied to a state refusing to “Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate obey the laws, and still remaining in the Union. I States of America, Friends, and Fellow-Citizens,remember well when Massachusetts was arraigned Called to the difficult and responsible station of before the senate. The record of that occasion chief executive of the provisional government which will show that I said, if Massachusetts, in pursuing you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the line of steps, takes the last step which separates the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of her from the Union, the right is her's, and I will my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in
The history of the discovery and settlement of America abounds with incidents rarely to be found in the annals of any other parts of the earth's surface. The whole western hemisphere is a natural wonder; and the people inhabiting the belt now known as the United States, have become a race and a nation characteristic of its climate, fertility of soil, and vastness of resources. With these gifts of the Creator, a mixed multitude of wanderers from other regions combined to form that nation, consisting of people distinguished for genius in the development of science, and the appliances of art.
The career of those who settled the New World has occurred since the art of printing became practicable; and owing to this circumstance, the present generation can, with considerable facility, learn the details respecting the progress made by those hardy adventurers. I have availed myself of many advantages in the collection of those facts, and have presented them as concisely as possible in this work.
The discovery of America dates far back in the dim past; and the honour belongs to the Icelanders. Beyond all doubt they settled that continent, A.D. 1000. I do not assert it as probable, but as a fact, easily established by unquestionable evidence. During my travels through Iceland, and while associating with the people, every opportunity was employed to investigate the evidences bearing upon this question: I have not failed to study it in Copenhagen, where the old Icelandic manuscripts are carefully preserved; and, when in Greenland, amidst the Esquimaux at Brattalid, I dwelt upon the spot whereon once stood the habitation of Eric the Red, who sent forth the expeditions to settle America.
The explorations made by the English, French, and Spanish navigators, are impartially narrated; and the daring achievements of the early settlers are described as they chronologically occurred. The extent of country occupied and claimed by the three nations respectively, at different epochs, will be found most carefully explained. I have taken
great pains to set forth the means that were applied to terminate the - French power on the Western continent; and also the curtailment of the | English and Spanish dominion over the vast region that subsequently
formed the great Republic of America. Passing from these foreign sovereignties, I have endeavoured to give an impartial account of the
revolutionary struggle between the provincial, colonial, and proprietary governments, and George III., which resulted successfully to the former, and in the ultimate formation of the United States' government.
The peculiar powers distributed between the State and Federal institutions, defined by their respective constitutions, ordinances, and bills of rights, are carefully discussed; and the details respecting their mixed administrations, from the foundation of the Republic to the present time, are definitely stated. The reader will observe that I have not indulged in adulation of my countrymen or government; and, in this particular, it is hoped that patriotic service has been done to both. Having mingled with the people of all parts of the civilised world, and availing myself of rare facilities in studying the governmental systems of Europe, my observations have led me to believe that all governments are imperfect, and that none can be maintained beyond the time they cease to be supported by the affections of the people.
In narrating the discoveries of America, and the thrilling events that occurred, from time to time, during the progress of its settlement, I have copied largely from Holmes' Annals, Hinton's Colonial History, Stedman's and Gordon's Histories of the Revolution, and various other publications. Credit has been given in all cases to the original source of information; but it is quite possible that I may have failed to do full justice to some of the authorities from which matter has been collected : for, in fact, materials from many hundreds of volumes have been employed. I desire to disclaim any particular merit for originality of ideas or excellence of language; but it is expected that the reader will accord to me the credit of having sought for, and grouped together, the greatest amount of facts relating to America that has ever been published in a connected history. In accomplishing this great desideratum, I have had access to most of the principal libraries in the United States and Europe; but my studies have been more particularly confined to the archives and libraries of the British government, in London. Within the past three years I have examined more than 11,000 volumes, and, from a number of them, collected important truths. I have toiled many years for materials contained in this Work; and while engaged in preparing them for the press, many times the dawn of morn has warned me to lay aside the pen; and then, reluctantly, have I regretted the necessity of yielding for repose.
Among the reliable works referred to for corroborative data, were Howe's and Barber's State Annals : these local histories abound with instructive information. Lossing's Field Book contains a vast amount of historic matter, briefly stated. Bancroft's History, consisting of eight volumes, though confined to the colonial period, and not extending later than 1776, has been quoted from occasionally. Hildreth's History is rich in chronology. Two volumes of this work are devoted to the colonial affairs; one to the Revolution; and three to the political and military events that occurred