the Eastern men being determined to retain him, their middle & Southern brethren wishing to get rid of him. They have talked of Genl. Pinckney as successor to M'Henry. This information is certain. However, I hope that we shall avoid war, & save them the trouble of a change of ministry. The P has nominated J Q Adams Commissioner Plenipoty to renew the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell made a great stand against it, on the general ground that we should let our treaties drop, & remain without any. He could only get 8. votes against 20. A trial will be made to-day in another form, which he thinks will give 10. or 11. against 16. or 17. declaring the renewal inexpedient. In this case, notwithstanding the nomination has been confirmed, it is supposed the P would perhaps not act under it, on the probability that more than a third would be against the ratification. I believe, however, that he would act, & that a third could not be got to oppose the ratification. It is acknoleged we have nothing to do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word is said about adjourning; and some even talk of continuing the session permanently; others talk of July & August. An effort, however, will soon be made for an early adjournment.

My friendly salutations to mrs. Madison; to yourself affectionate adieux.

TO JAMES MADISON.

MAD. MSS.

PHILADELPHIA, Mar 21, 98.

I wrote you last on the 15th; since that, yours of the 12th is received. Since that, too, a great change has taken place in the appearance of our political at

mosphere. The merchants, as before, continue, a respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming. The French decree operated on them as a sedative, producing more alarm than resentment; on the Representatives, differently. It excited indignation highly in the war party, tho' I do not know that it had added any new friends to that side of the question. We still hoped a majority of about 4.; but the insane message which you will see in the public papers has had great effect. Exultation on the one side, & a certainty of victory; while the other is petrified with astonishment. Our Evans, tho' his soul is wrapt up in the sentiments of this message, yet afraid to give a vote openly for it, is going off to-morrow, as is said. Those who count, say there are still 2. members of the other side who will come over to that of peace. If so, the numbers will be for war measures, 52., against them 53.; if all are present except Evans. The question is, what is to be attempted, supposing we have a majority? I suggest two things: 1. As the President declares he has withdrawn the Executive prohibition to arm, that Congress should pass a Legislative one. If that should fail in the Senate, it would heap coals of fire on their head. 2. As to do nothing & to gain time is everything with us, I propose that they shall come to a resolution of adjournment, in order to go home & consult their constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing.' Besides gaining time enough by this, to allow the descent on England to have it's effect here as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the whole body of the people from the state of inatten

tion in which they are; it will require every member to call for the sense of his district by petition or instruction; it will shew the people with which side of the House their safety as well as their rights rest, by shewing them which is for war & which for peace; & their representatives will return here invigorated by the avowed support of the American people. I do not know, however, whether this will be approved, as there has been little consultation on the subject. We see a new instance of the inefficiency of Constitutional guards. We had relied with great security on that provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war. But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as will be sure to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that an attempt was to be made on that day in Senate, to declare an inexpediency to renew our treaties. measure is put off under a hope of it's being attempted under better auspices. To return to the subject of war, it is quite impossible, when we consider all it's existing circumstances, to find any reason in it's favor resulting from views either of interest or honor, & plausible enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially, when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only. Whatever then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other views. And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, & afterwards at the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree of impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of

But the

what was then in contemplation, a separation of the union, which has been so much the topic to the Eastward of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have written so far, two days before the departure of the post. Should anything more occur to-day or to-morrow, it shall be added.

22 At night. Nothing more.

TO JAMES MONROE.

MON. MSS.

PHILADELPHIA Mar. 21. 98.

The public papers will present to you the almost insane message sent to both houses of Congress 2. or 3. days ago. This has added to the alarm of the sounder and most respectable part of our merchants. I mean those who are natives, are solid in their circumstances & do not need the lottery of war to get themselves to rights. The effect of the French decree on the representatives had been to render the war party inveterate & more firm in their purpose without adding to their numbers. In that state of things we had hoped to avert war measures by a majority of 4. At this time, those who court talk of it's being reduced to a majority of 1. or 2. if a Majority be with us at all. This is produced by the weight of the Executive opinion. The first thing proposed by the whigs will be a call for papers. For if Congress are to act on the question of war, they have a right to information. The 2d. to pass a Legislative prohibition to arm vessels instead of the Executive one which the President informs them he has withdrawn.

These questions will try the whig strength, on the ground of war. The 3d. to adjourn to consult our constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing. This measure appears to me under a very favorable aspect. It gives time for the French operations on England to have their effect here as well as there. It awakens the people from the slumber over public proceedings in which they are involved. It obliges every member to consult his district on the simple question of war or peace: it shews the people on which side of the house are the friends of their peace as well as their rights, & brings back those friends to the next session supported by the whole American people. I do not know however whether this last measure will be proposed. The late maneuvres have added another proof to the inefficiency of constitutional barriers. We had reposed great confidence in that provision of the Constitution which requires of the Legislature to declare war. Yet it can be entirely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as will bring on war.-My last to you was of the 8th inst. The last recd from you was of Feb. 25.

TO DR. SAMUEL BROWN.

J. MSS. PHILADELPHIA Mar. 25. 98.

DEAR SIR,-You were a witness, before you left our side of the continent, to the endeavours of the tory part among us, to write me down as far as they could find or make materials. "O! that mine enemy would write a book!" has been a well known prayer